more than among all other men

ἔξοχος (ἔξοχον, -οι; -α acc.: - ώτερος: -ώτατοι; -ώταται; -άτατα acc.)

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

vŏlo (2 d pers. sing. vis, orig. veis, Prisc. 9, 1, 6, p. 847 P.; 1 st pers. plur. volumus, but volimus, Plaut. Truc. 1, 2, 89 Speng.; 3 d pers. sing. volt, and 2 d pers. plur. voltis always in ante-class. writers;

also volt,

Cic. Verr. 2, 2, 17, § 42; 2, 5, 49, § 128; id. Sest. 42, 90; id. Phil. 8, 9, 26; id. Par. 5, 1, 34; id. Rep. 3, 33, 45:

voltis,

id. Verr. 2, 3, 53, § 122; 2, 3, 94, § 219; 2, 5, 5, § 11; 2, 3, 89, § 208; id. Clu. 30, 83; id. Rab. Perd. 12, 33; id. Sest. 30, 64; id. Par. 1, 2, 11 et saep. — Pres. subj. velim, but sometimes volim, Plaut. Merc. 1, 2, 44 Ritschl; cf. Prisc. 9, 1, 8, p. 848 P.;

so volint,

Plaut. Most. 1, 3, 65 Ritschl), velle, volui ( part. fut. voliturus, Serv. ad Verg. A. 5, 712; contr. forms, vin for visne, freq. in Plaut. and Ter., also Hor. S. 1, 9, 69; Pers. 6, 63:

sis for si vis,

Plaut. Capt. 1, 2, 70; id. Merc. 4, 4, 37; id. Pers. 3, 3, 8; Ter. Eun. 2, 3, 20; id. Heaut. 1, 2, 38; Cic. Tusc. 2, 18, 42; id. Rosc. Am. 16, 48; id. Mil. 22, 60; Liv. 34, 32, 20:

sultis for si voltis, only ante-class.,

Plaut. Stich. 1, 2, 8; id. As. prol. 1; id. Capt. 2, 3, 96; 3, 5, 9; 4, 4, 11), v. irreg. a. [Sanscr. var-; Gr. bol-, boulomai; cf. the strengthened root Wel- in eeldomai, elpomai; Germ. wollen; Engl. will], expressing any exercise of volition, and corresponding, in most cases, to the Germ. wollen; in Engl. mostly rendered, to wish, want, intend, purpose, propose, be willing, consent, mean, will, and, impersonally, it is my will, purpose, intention, plan, policy (syn.: cupio, opto; but volo properly implies a purpose).

In gen.

With object-infinitive.

With pres. inf.

Exire ex urbe priusquam luciscat volo, Plaut. Am. 1, 3, 35:

potare ego hodie tecum volo,

id. Aul. 3, 6, 33:

ego quoque volo esse liber: nequiquam volo,

id. Trin. 2, 4, 39; so id. ib. 2, 4, 164:

ait rem seriam agere velle mecum,

Ter. Eun. 3, 3, 8:

natus enim debet quicunque est velle manere In vita,

Lucr. 5, 177:

video te alte spectare et velle in caelum migrare,

Cic. Tusc. 1, 34, 82:

quid poetae? Nonne post mortem nobilitari volunt?

id. ib. 1, 15, 34:

si innocentes existimari volumus,

id. Verr. 2, 2, 10, § 28:

quoniam opinionis meae voluistis esse participes,

id. de Or. 1, 37, 172:

quod eas quoque nationes adire et regiones cognoscere volebat,

Caes. B. G. 3, 7:

si velit suos recipere, obsides sibi remittat,

id. ib. 3, 8 fin.:

dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse,

Sall. J. 31, 23:

si haec relinquere voltis,

id. C. 58, 15:

priusquam liberi estis, dominari jam in adversarios vultis,

Liv. 3, 53, 7:

si quis vestrum suos invisere volt, commeatum do,

id. 21, 21, 5:

non enim vincere tantum noluit, sed vinci voluit,

id. 2, 59, 2:

suspitionem Caesar quibusdam reliquit, neque voluisse se diutius vivere, neque curasse,

Suet. Caes. 85:

Eutrapelus cuicunque nocere volebat, Vestimenta dabat pretiosa,

Hor. Ep. 1, 18, 31.—

Idiomatically: quid arbitramini Rheginos merere velle ut ab iis marmorea illa Venus auferatur? what do you think the Rhegini would take for, etc., Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 60, § 135.—

Transf., of things: fabula quae posci vult et spectata reponi, a comedy which wishes (i. e. is meant) to be in demand, etc., Hor. A. P. 190:

neque enim aut hiare semper vocalibus aut destitui temporibus volunt sermo atque epistula,

Quint. 9, 4, 20; cf. id. 8, prooem. 23.—

Of the wishes of those that have a right to command, the gods, masters, parents, commanders, etc., I want, wish, will, am resolved, it is my will:

in acdibus quid tibi meis erat negoti...? Volo scire,

Plaut. Aul. 3, 2, 14; 3, 2, 17; 3, 2, 18; 3, 6, 27; id. Curc. 4, 3, 11; id. Ep. 3, 4, 74; id. Mil. 2, 3, 74; 3, 1, 17; id. Stich. 1, 2, 56; Ter. And. 1, 2, 9; 4, 2, 17:

maxima voce clamat populus, neque se uni, nec paucis velle parere,

Cic. Rep. 1, 35, 55:

consuesse deos immortalis, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, etc.,

Caes. B. G. 1, 13:

hic experiri vim virtutemque volo,

Liv. 23, 45, 9.—

= in animo habere, to intend, purpose, mean, design:

ac volui inicere tragulam in nostrum senem,

Plaut. Ps. 1, 4, 14:

eadem quae illis voluisti facere tu, faciunt tibi,

id. Mil. 3, 1, 11; so id. Most. 2, 2, 5:

puerumque clam voluit exstinguere,

Ter. Hec. 5, 1, 23:

necare candem voluit,

Cic. Cael. 13, 31: quid enim ad illum qui te captare vult, utrum [p. 2005] tacentem te irretiat an loquentem? id. Ac. 2, 29, 94:

hostis hostem occidere volui,

Liv. 2, 12, 9; 7, 34, 11: volui interdiu eum... occidere; volui, cum ad cenam invitavi, veneno scilicet tollere;

volui... ferro interficere (ironically),

id. 40, 13, 2:

tuum crimen erit, hospitem occidere voluisse,

the intention to kill your guest-friend, Val. Max. 5, 1, 3 fin.; 6, 1, 8:

non enim vult mori, sed invidiam filio facere,

Quint. 9, 2, 85.—

Pregn., opp. optare: non vult mori qui optat,

Sen. Ep. 117, 24:

sed eo die is, cui dare volueram (epistulam), non est profectus,

Cic. Att. 9, 7, 1:

cum de senectute vellem aliquid scribere,

id. Sen. 1, 2:

ego te volui castigare, tu mihi accussatrix ades,

Plaut. As. 3, 1, 10:

bonus volo jam ex hoc die esse,

id. Pers. 4, 3, 10:

ego jam a principio amici filiam, Ita ut aequom fuerat, volui uxorem ducere,

Ter. Phorm. 4, 3, 46:

at etiam eo negotio M. Catonis splendorem maculare voluerunt,

it was their purpose, Cic. Sest. 28, 60:

eum (tumulum) non tam capere sine certamine volebat, quam causam certaminis cum Minucio contrahere,

his plan was, Liv. 22, 28, 4.—Of things:

cum lex venditionibus occurrere voluit,

when it was the purpose of the law, Dig. 46, 1, 46: sed quid ea drachuma facere vis? Ca. Restim volo Mihi emere... qui me faciam pensilem, Plaut. Ps. 1, 1, 87: Ch. Revorsionem ad terram faciunt vesperi. Ni. Aurum hercle auferre voluere, id. Bacch. 2, 3, 63:

si iis qui haec omnia flamma ac ferro delere voluerunt... bellum indixi, etc.,

Cic. Prov. Cons. 10, 24:

(plebem) per caedem senatus vacuam rem publicam tradere Hannibali velle,

Liv. 23, 2, 7:

rem Nolanam in jus dicionemque dare voluerat Poeno,

id. 23, 15, 9: qui (majores nostri) tanta cura Siculos tueri ac retinere voluerunt ut, etc., whose policy it was to protect, etc., Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 6, § 14:

ut qui a principio mitis omnibus Italicis praeter Romanos videri vellet, etc.,

Liv. 23, 15, 4: idem istuc, si in vilitate largiri voluisses, derisum tuum beneficium esset, if you had offered to grant the same thing during low prices, etc., Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 92, § 215.—

= studere, conari, to try, endeavor, attempt:

quas (i. e. magnas res) qui impedire vult, is et infirmus est mobilisque natura, et, etc.,

Cic. Lael. 20, 75:

nam si quando id (exordium) primum invenire volui, nullum mihi occurrit, nisi aut exile, aut, etc.,

id. Or. 2, 77, 315:

de Antonio dico, numquam illum... nonnullorum de ipso suspitionem infitiando tollere voluisse,

that he never attempted to remove, id. Sest. 3, 8; id. Div. 1, 18, 35:

audes Fatidicum fallere velle deum?

do you dare attempt? Ov. F. 2, 262.—

To mean, of actions and expressions:

hic respondere voluit, non lacessere,

the latter meant to answer, not to provoke, Ter. Phorm. prol. 19:

non te judices urbi sed carceri reservarunt, neque to retinere in civitate, sed exilio privare voluerunt,

Cic. Att. 1, 16, 9.—So, volo dicere, I mean (lit. I intend to say):

quid aliud volui dicere?

Ter. Eun. 3, 2, 51:

volo autem dicere, illud homini longe optimum esse quod ipsum sit optandum per se,

Cic. Tusc. 2, 20, 46.—Often with the acc. illud or id, as a correction: Tr. Specta quam arcte dormiunt. Th. Dormiunt? Tr. Illut quidem ut conivent volui dicere, I mean how they nod, Plaut. Most. 3, 2, 145: Py. Quid? bracchium? Ar. Illud dicere volui femur, id. Mil. 1, 1, 27:

adduxi volui dicere,

id. Ps. 2, 4, 21; id. Am. 1, 1, 233; 1, 1, 235; id. Cas. 2, 6, 14; id. Mil. 3, 2, 7; id. Ps. 3, 2, 54; id. Rud. 2, 4, 9.—

To be going to: haec argumenta ego aedificiis dixi; nunc etiam volo docere ut homines aedium esse similes arbitremini, now I am going to show how, etc., Plaut. Most. 1, 2, 37: quando bene gessi rem, volo hic in fano supplicare, I am going to worship here, etc., id. Curc. 4, 2, 41:

nunc quod relicuom restat volo persolvere,

id. Cist. 1, 3, 40:

sustine hoc, Penicule, exuvias facere quas vovi volo,

id. Men. 1, 3, 13:

sinite me prospectare ne uspiam insidiae sint, consilium quod habere volumus,

id. Mil. 3, 1, 3; id. As. 2, 2, 113; id. Cas. 4, 2, 3; id. Bacch. 1, 1, 61:

si Prometheus, cum mortalibus ignem dividere vellet, ipse a vicinis carbunculos conrogaret, ridiculus videretur,

Auct. Her. 4, 6, 9:

ait se velle de illis HS. LXXX. cognoscere,

Cic. Verr. 2, 2, 23, § 56:

hinc se recipere cum vellent, rursus illi ex loco superiore nostros premebant,

Caes. B. C. 1, 45. —

To be about to, on the point of: quom mittere signum Volt, Enn. ap. Cic. Div. 1, 48, 107 (Ann. v. 88 Vahl.):

quotiens ire volo foras, retines me, rogitas quo ego eam,

Plaut. Men. 1, 2, 5:

quae sese in ignem inicere voluit, prohibui,

Ter. And. 1, 1, 113:

si scires aspidem latere uspiam, et velle aliquem imprudentem super eam adsidere,

Cic. Fin. 2, 18, 59; id. Div. 1, 52, 118:

quod cum facere vellent, intervenit M. Manilius,

id. Rep. 1, 12, 18:

qui cum opem ferre vellet, nuntiatum sibi esse aliam classem ad Aegates insulas stare,

Liv. 22, 56, 7:

at Libys obstantes dum vult obvertere remos, In spatium resilire manus breve vidit,

Ov. M. 3, 676; 1, 635:

P. Claudius cum proelium navale committere vellet,

Val. Max. 1, 4, 3.—

Will, and in oblique discourse and questions would, the auxiliaries of the future and potential: animum advortite: Comediai nomen dari vobis volo, I will give you, etc., Plaut. Cas. prol. 30:

sed, nisi molestum est, nomen dare vobis volo comediai,

id. Poen. prol. 50:

vos ite intro. Interea ego ex hac statua verberea volo erogitare... quid sit factum,

id. Capt. 5, 1, 30:

i tu atque arcessi illam: ego intus quod facto est opus volo adcurare,

id. Cas. 3, 3, 35; id. Cist. 1, 1, 113; id. Most. 1, 1, 63; id. Poen. 2, 44; id. Pers. 1, 3, 85; id. Rud. 1, 2, 33: cum vero (gemitus) nihil imminuat doloris, cur frustra turpes esse volumus? why will ( would) we be disgraceful to no purpose? Cic. Tusc. 2, 24, 57:

illa enim (ars) te, verum si loqui volumus, ornaverat,

id. ib. 1, 47, 112:

ergo, si vere aestimare volumus, etc.,

Val. Max. 7, 5, 6:

si vere aestimare Macedonas, qui tunc erant, volumus,

Curt. 4, 16, 33:

ejus me compotem facere potestis, si meminisse vultis, etc.,

Liv. 7, 40, 5:

visne igitur, dum dies ista venit... interea tu ipse congredi mecum ut, etc....?

id. 8, 7, 7:

volo tibi Chrysippi quoque distinctionem indicare,

Sen. Ep. 9, 14: vis tu homines urbemque feris praeponere silvis? will you prefer, etc., Hor. S. 2, 6, 92; cf. velim and vellem, would, II. A. 2.—

Sometimes volui = mihi placuit, I resolved, concluded (generally, in this meaning, followed by an infinitive clause, v. I. B. 4.):

uti tamen tuo consilio volui,

still I concluded to follow your advice, Cic. Att. 8, 3, 1.—

To be willing, ready, to consent, like to do something: si sine bello velint rapta... tradere... se exercitum domum reducturum, if they were willing, would consent to, would deliver, etc., Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 52:

is dare volt, is se aliquid posci,

likes to give, id. As. 1, 3, 29:

hoc dixit, si hoc de cella concederetur, velle Siculos senatui polliceri frumentum in cellam gratis,

Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 87, § 200:

ei laxiorem daturos, si venire ad causam dicendam vellet,

Liv. 39, 17, 2; 5, 36, 4: nemo invenitur qui pecuniam suam dividere velit. Sen. Brev. Vit. 3, 1:

plerique concessam sibi sub condicione vitam si militare adversus eum vellent, recusarunt,

Suet. Caes. 68:

dedere etiam se volebant, si toleranda viris imperarentur,

Flor. 1, 33 (2, 18), 12.—So with negatives, to be not willing, not to suffer, not to like, not to allow, refuse:

heri nemo voluit Sostratam intro admittere,

Ter. Hec. 3, 1, 49:

cum alter verum audire non vult,

Cic. Lael. 26, 98: a proximis quisque minime anteiri vult, likes least to be surpassed, etc., Liv. 6, 34, 7:

nihil ex his praeter... accipere voluit,

refused to accept, Val. Max. 4, 3, 4.—

To do something voluntarily or intentionally: volo facere = mea voluntate or sponte facio: si voluit accusare, pietati tribuo;

si jussus est, necessitati,

if he accused of his own free will, I ascribe it to his filial love, Cic. Cael. 1, 2:

utrum statuas voluerint tibi statuere, an coacti sint,

id. Verr. 2, 2, 65, § 157:

de risu quinque sunt quae quaerantur... sitne oratoris risum velle permovere,

on purpose, id. Or. 2, 58, 235:

laedere numquam velimus,

Quint. 6, 3, 28.—So, non velle with inf., to do something unwillingly, with reluctance:

vivere noluit qui mori non vult,

who dies with reluctance, Sen. Ep. 30, 10.—

To be of opinion, think, mean, pretend (rare with inf.; usu. with acc. and inf.; v. B. 8.):

haec tibi scripsi ut isto ipso in genere in quo aliquid posse vis, te nihil esse cognosceres,

in which you imagine you have some influence, Cic. Fam. 7, 27, 2:

in hoc homo luteus etiam callidus ac veterator esse vult, quod ita scribit, etc.,

pretends, means to be, id. Verr. 2, 3, 14, § 35: sed idem Aelius Stoicus esse voluit, orator autem nec studuit um quam, nec fuit, id. Brut. 56, 206:

Pythago. ras, qui etiam ipse augur esse vellet,

id. Div. 1, 3, 5.—

To like, have no objection to, approve of (cf. E. 1. sq.):

magis eum delectat qui se ait philosophari velle sed paucis: nam omnino haud placere,

that he liked, had no objection to philosophizing, Cic. Rep. 1, 18, 30; v. also II. A.—

With pres. inf. understood.

Supplied from a preceding or subsequent clause.

To wish, it is his will, etc. (cf. 1. a. and b. supra):

nunc bene vivo et fortunate atque ut volo, i. e. vivere,

as I wish, Plaut. Mil. 3, 1, 111: quod diu vivendo multa quae non volt (i. e. videre) videt, Caecil. ap. Cic. Sen. 8, 25:

proinde licet quotvis vivendo condere saecla,

Lucr. 3, 1090:

nec tantum proficiebam quantum volebam,

Cic. Att. 1, 17, 1:

tot autem rationes attulit, ut velle (i. e. persuadere) ceteris, sibi certe persuasisse videatur,

id. Tusc. 1, 21, 49:

sed liceret, si velint, in Ubiorum finibus considere,

Caes. B. G. 4, 81:

quo praesidio senatus libere quae vellet decernere auderet,

id. B. C. 1, 2.—Of things:

neque chorda sonum reddit quem vult manus et mens,

Hor. A. P. 348.—

To choose, be pleased (freq.):

tum mihi faciat quod volt magnus Juppiter,

Plaut. Aul. 4, 10, 50:

id repetundi copia est, quando velis,

id. Trin. 5, 2, 7:

habuit aurum quamdiu voluit,

Cic. Cael. 13, 31:

rapiebat et asportabat quantum a quoque volebat Apronius,

id. Verr. 2, 3, 12, § 29:

provincias quas vellet, quibus vellet, venderet?

id. Sest. 39, 84:

quotiens ille tibi potestatem facturus sit ut eligas utrum velis,

id. Div. in Caecil. 14, 45:

daret utrum vellet subclamatum est,

Liv. 21, 18, 14:

senatus consultum factum est ut plebes praeficeret quaestioni quem vellet,

id. 4, 51, 2:

saxi materiaeque caedendae unde quisque vellet jus factum,

id. 5, 55, 3; cf. id. 2, 13, 9; 5, 46, 10; 6, 25, 5; 22, 10, 23; 23, 6, 2; 23, 15, 15; 23, 45, 10; 23, 47, 2;

26, 21, 11: vicem suam conquestus, quod sibi soli non liceret amicis, quatenus vellet, irasci,

Suet. Aug. 66:

at tu quantum vis tolle,

Hor. Ep. 1, 7, 16.—

To intend, it is my purpose, etc. (v. 1. c. supra):

sine me pervenire quo volo,

let me come to my point, Ter. Eun. 1, 2, 44:

scripsi igitur Aristotelio more, quemadmodum quidem volui, tres libros... de Oratore,

as I intended, Cic. Fam. 1, 9, 23:

ut meliore condicione quam qua ipse vult imitetur homines eos qui, etc.,

id. Div. in Caecil. 8, 25:

ego istos posse vincere scio, velle ne scirem ipsi fecerunt,

Liv. 2, 45, 12. —

To be willing, to consent, I will (v. 1. h. and l. supra): tu eum orato... St. Sane volo, yes, I will, Plaut. Cas. 2, 3, 57:

jube me vinciri. Volo, dum istic itidem vinciatur,

id. Capt. 3, 4, 75:

patri dic velle (i. e. uxorem ducere),

that you consent, are willing, Ter. And. 2, 3, 20 (cf.: si vis, II. A. 2, and sis, supra init.).—

To do something voluntarily (v. 1. m. supra):

tu selige tantum, Me quoque velle velis, anne coactus amem,

Ov. Am. 3, 11, 50.—

With ellipsis of inf.

Volo, with a designation of place, = ire volo:

nos in Formiano morabamur, quo citius audiremus: deinde Arpinum volebamus,

I intended to go to Arpinum, Cic. Att. 9, 1, 3:

volo mensi Quinctili in Graeciam,

id. ib. 14, 7, 2:

hactenus Vitellius voluerat (i. e. procedere),

Tac. A. 12, 42 fin. —

With other omissions, supplied from context: volo Dolabellae valde desideranti, non reperio quid (i. e. to dedicate some writing to him), Cic. Att. 13, 13, 2.—

In mal. part., Plaut. Aul. 2, 4, 7; Ov. Am. 2, 4, 16; 2. 19, 2; Prop. 1, 13, 36.—

With perfect infinitive active (rare).

In negative imperative sentences dependent on ne velis, ne velit (in oblique discourse also ne vellet), where ne velis has the force of noli. The perfect infinitive emphatically represents the action as completed (ante-class. and poet.).

In ancient ordinances of the Senate and of the higher officers (not in laws proper): NEIQVIS EORVM BACANAL HABVISE VELET... BACAS VIR NEQVIS ADIESE VELET CEIVIS ROMANVS... NEVE PECVNIAM QVISQVAM EORVM COMOINEM HABVISE VELET... NEVE... QVIQVAM FECISE VELET. NEVE INTER SED CONIOVRASE, NEVE COMVOVISE NEVE CONSPONDISE, etc., S. C. de Bacch. 4-13 ap. Wordsworth, Fragm. and Spec. p. 172.—So, in quoting such ordinances: per totam Italiam edicta mitti ne quis qui Bacchis initiatus esset, coisse aut convenisse causa sacrorum velit. [p. 2006] neu quid talis rei divinae fecisse, Liv. 39, 14, 8:

edixerunt ne quis quid fugae causa vendidisse neve emisse vellet,

id. 39, 17, 3. —

In imitation of official edicts: (vilicus) ne quid emisse velit insciente domino, neu quid domino celasse velit, the overseer must not buy any thing, etc., Cato, R. R. 5, 4:

interdico, ne extulisse extra aedis puerum usquam velis,

Ter. Hec. 4, 1, 48:

oscula praecipue nulla dedisse velis (= noli dare),

Ov. Am. 1, 4, 38:

ne quis humasse velit Ajacem, Atride, vetas? Cur?

Hor. S. 2, 3, 187.—

In affirmative sentences, implying command (in any mood or tense; mostly poet.): neminem nota strenui aut ignavi militis notasse volui, I have decided to mark no one, etc., Liv. 24, 16, 11: quia pepercisse vobis volunt, committere vos cur pereatis non patiuntur, because they have decided to spare you, etc., id. 32, 21, 33:

sunt delicta tamen quibus ignovisse velimus (= volumus),

which should be pardoned, Hor. A. P. 347.—

To represent the will as referring to a completed action.

In optative sentences with vellem or velim, v. II. B. 5. b. a, and II. C. 1. b.—

In other sentences ( poet. and post-class.): ex omnibus praediis ex quibus non hac mente recedimus ut omisisse possessionem velimus, with the will to abandon (omittere would denote the purpose to give up at some future time), Dig. 43, 16, 1, § 25; so,

an erit qui velle recuset Os populi meruisse?

Pers. 1, 41:

qui me volet incurvasse querela,

id. 1, 91.

With acc. and inf.

To wish (v. A. 1. a.).

With a different subject: hoc volo scire te: Perditus sum miser, I wish you to know, etc., Plaut. Curc. 1, 2, 46:

deos volo consilia vostra vobis recte vortere,

id. Trin. 5, 2, 31:

emere oportet quem tibi oboedire velis,

id. Pers. 2, 4, 2:

scin' quid nunc te facere volo?

Ter. Heaut. 3, 1, 85:

si perpetuam vis esse adfinitatem hanc,

id. Hec. 2, 2, 10:

consul ille egit eas res quarum me participem esse voluit,

Cic. Prov. Cons. 17, 41:

vim volumus exstingui: jus valeat necesse est,

id. Sest. 42, 92:

nec mihi hunc errorem extorqueri volo,

id. Sen. 23, 85:

hoc te scire volui,

id. Att. 7, 18, 4:

harum causarum fuit justissima quod Germanos suis quoque rebus timere voluit,

Caes. B. G. 4, 16:

ut equites qui salvam esse rempublicam vellent ex equis desilirent,

Liv. 4, 38, 2:

si me vivere vis recteque videre valentem,

Hor. Ep. 1, 7, 3:

si vis me flere, dolendum est Primum ipsi tibi,

id. A. P. 102.—With pass. inf. impers.:

regnari tamen omnes volebant,

that there should be a king, Liv. 1, 17, 3:

mihi volo ignosci,

I wish to be pardoned, Cic. Or. 1, 28, 130:

volt sibi quisque credi,

Liv. 22, 22, 14. —

With the same subject.

With inf. act.:

quae mihi est spes qua me vivere velim,

what hope have I, that I should wish to live? Plaut. Rud. 1, 3, 33:

volo me placere Philolachi,

id. Most. 1, 3, 11; cf. id. Trin. 2, 2, 47; id. Rud. 2, 6, 1:

judicem esse me, non doctorem volo,

Cic. Or. 33, 117:

vult, credo, se esse carum suis,

id. Sen. 20, 73; so id. Off. 1, 31, 113; id. de Or. 1, 24, 112; 2, 23, 95. —

With inf. pass.:

quod certiorem te vis fieri quo quisque in me animo sit,

Cic. Att. 11, 13, 1; cf. id. Fam. 1, 9, 18:

qui se ex his minus timidos existimari volebant,

Caes. B. G. 1, 39; cf. id. B. C. 2, 29:

religionis se causa... Bacchis initiari velle,

Liv. 39, 10, 2:

Agrippae se nepotem neque credi neque dici volebat,

Suet. Calig. 22 fin. —

Of the will of superiors, gods, etc. (cf. A. 1. b. supra), I want, it is my will:

me absente neminem volo intromitti,

Plaut. Aul. 1, 3, 21:

viros nostros quibus tu voluisti esse nos matres familias,

id. Stich. 1, 2, 41; id. Most. 1, 4, 2; id. Rud. 4, 5, 9; id. Trin. 1, 2, 1:

pater illum alterum (filium) secum omni tempore volebat esse,

Cic. Rosc. Am. 15, 42:

(deus) quinque reliquis motibus orbem esse voluit expertem,

id. Univ. 10; cf. id. Sest. 69, 147; id. Verr. 2, 4, 25, § 57; 1, 5, 14:

causa mittendi fuit quod iter per Alpes... patefieri volebat,

Caes. B. G. 3, 1; cf. id. ib. 5, 9; id. B. C. 1, 4:

quippe (senatus) foedum hominem a republica procul esse volebat,

Sall. C. 19, 2:

nec (di) patefieri (crimina) ut impunita essent, sed ut vindicarentur voluerunt,

Liv. 39, 16, 11; cf. id. 1, 56, 3; 2, 28, 5; 25, 32, 6:

senatus... Romano sanguini pudicitiam tutam esse voluit,

Val. Max. 6, 1, 9; cf. id. 6, 9, 2.—So in the historians: quid fieri vellet (velit), after a verbum imperandi or declarandi, he gave his orders, explained his will:

quid fieri velit praecipit,

Caes. B. G. 5, 56:

ibi quid fieri vellet imperabat,

id. ib. 7, 16:

quid fieri vellet ostendit,

id. ib. 7, 27:

quae fieri vellet edocuit,

id. B. C. 3, 108; cf. id. B. G. 7, 45; id. B. C. 3, 78; 3, 89:

quid fieri vellet edixit,

Curt. 8, 10, 30; 4, 13, 24; Val. Max. 7, 4, 2.— Frequently majores voluerunt, it was the will of our ancestors, referring to ancient customs and institutions:

sacra Cereris summa majores nostri religione confici caerimoniaque voluerunt,

Cic. Balb. 24, 55: majores vestri ne vos quidem temere coire voluerunt, cf. id. ib. 17, 39; 23, 54; id. Agr. 2, 11, 26; id. Fl. 7, 15; id. Imp. Pomp. 13, 39; id. Div. 1, 45, 103; id. Font. 24, 30 (10, 20); id. Rosc. Am. 25, 70.—Of testamentary dispositions: cum Titius, heres meus, mortuus erit, volo hereditatem meam ad P. Mevium pertinere, Gai Inst. 2, 277. Except in the institution of the first heir: at illa (institutio) non est comprobata: Titum heredem esse volo, Gai Inst. 2, 117. —

Of the intention of a writer, etc., to want, to mean, intend:

Asinariam volt esse (nomen fabulae) si per vos licet,

Plaut. As. prol. 12:

Plautus hanc mihi gnatam esse voluit Inopiam,

has wanted Poverty to be my daughter, made her my daughter, id. Trin. prol. 9:

primumdum huic esse nomen Diphilus Cyrenas voluit,

id. Rud. prol. 33:

quae ipsi qui scripserunt voluerunt vulgo intellegi,

meant to be understood by all, Cic. Or. 2, 14, 60:

si non hoc intellegi volumus,

id. Fat. 18, 41:

quale intellegi vult Cicero cum dicit orationem suam coepisse canescere,

Quint. 11, 1, 31; so id. 9, 4, 82; 9, 3, 9:

quamquam illi (Prometheo) quoque ferreum anulum dedit antiquitas vinculumque id, non gestamen, intellegi voluit,

Plin. 33, 1, 4, § 8.—

To resolve:

Siculi... me defensorem calamitatum suarum... esse voluerunt,

Cic. Div. in Caecil. 4, 11:

si a me causam hanc vos (judices) agi volueritis,

if you resolve, id. ib. 8, 25:

senatus te voluit mihi nummos, me tibi frumentum dare,

id. Verr. 2, 3, 85, § 196:

qua (statua) abjecta, basim tamen in foro manere voluerunt,

id. ib. 2, 2, 66, §

160: liberam debere esse Galliam quam (senatus) suis legibus uti voluisset,

Caes. B. G. 1, 45:

tu Macedonas tibi voluisti genua ponere, venerarique te ut deum,

Curt. 8 (7), 13.— Hence,

To order, command: erus meus tibi me salutem multam voluit dicere, has ordered me, etc., Plaut. Ps. 4, 2, 25:

montem quem a Labieno occupari voluerit,

which he had ordered to be occupied, Caes. B. G. 1, 22:

ibi futuros esse Helvetios ubi eos Caesar... esse voluisset,

id. ib. 1, 13 (for velitis jubeatis with inf.-clause, v. II. B. 5. d.).—

To consent, allow (cf. A. 1. I.):

obtinuere ut (tribuni) tribuniciae potestatis vires salubres vellent reipublicae esse,

they prevailed upon them to permit the tribunitian power to be wholesome to the republic, Liv. 2, 44, 5:

Hiero tutores... puero reliquit quos precatus est moriens ut juvenum suis potissimum vestigiis insistere vellent,

id. 24, 4, 5:

petere ut eum... publicae etiam curae ac velut tutelae vellent esse (i. e. senatus),

id. 42, 19, 5:

orare tribunos ut uno animo cum consulibus bellum ab urbe ac moenibus propulsari vellent,

id. 3, 69, 5:

quam superesse causam Romanis cur non... incolumis Syracusas esse velint?

id. 25, 28, 8:

si alter ex heredibus voluerit rem a legatario possideri, alter non, ei qui noluit interdictum competet,

Dig. 43, 3, 1, § 15.—So negatively = not to let, not to suffer:

cum P. Attio agebant ne sua pertinacia omnium fortunas perturbari vellet,

Caes. B. C. 2, 36.—

To be of opinion that something should be, to require, demand:

voluisti enim in suo genere unumquemque... esse Roscium,

Cic. Or. 1, 61, 258: eos exercitus quos contra se multos jam annos aluerint velle dimitti, he demanded the disbanding of, etc., Caes. B. C. 1, 85:

(Cicero) vult esse auctoritatem in verbis,

Quint. 8, 3, 43:

vult esse Celsus aliquam et superiorem compositionem,

id. 9, 4, 137:

si tantum irasci vis sapientem quantum scelerum indignitas exigit,

Sen. Ira, 2, 9, 4. —

To be of opinion that something is or was, = censere, dicere, but implying that the opinion is erroneous or doubtful, usu. in the third pers., sometimes in the second.

To imagine, consider:

est genus hominum qui esse se primos omnium rerum volunt, Nec sunt,

Ter. Eun. 2, 2, 17:

semper auget adsentator id quod is cujus ad voluntatem dicitur vult esse magnum,

Cic. Lael. 26, 98:

si quis patricius, si quis—quod illi volunt invidiosius esse—Claudius diceret,

Liv. 6, 40, 13.—

To be of opinion, to hold:

vultis, opinor, nihil esse... in natura praeter ignem,

Cic. N. D. 3, 14, 36:

volunt illi omnes... eadem condicione nasci,

id. Div. 2, 44, 93:

vultis evenire omnia fato,

id. ib. 2, 9, 24:

alteri censent, etc., alteri volunt a rebus fatum omne relegari,

id. Fat. 19, 45:

vultis a dis immortalibus hominibus dispertiri somnia,

id. N. D. 3, 39, 93; id. Tusc. 1, 10, 20; id. Fin. 3, 11, 36; id. Rep. 2, 26, 48:

volunt quidam... iram in pectore moveri effervescente circa cor sanguine,

Sen. Ira, 2, 19, 3.—

To say, assert:

si tam familiaris erat Clodiae quam tu esse vis,

as you say he is, Cic. Cael. 21, 53:

sit sane tanta quanta tu illam esse vis,

id. Or. 1, 55, 23:

ad pastum et ad procreandi voluptatem hoc divinum animal procreatum esse voluerunt: quo nihil mihi videtur esse absurdius,

id. Fin. 2, 13, 40; 2, 17, 55; 2, 42, 131; 2, 46, 142; id. Fat. 18, 41.—With perf. inf.:

Rhodi ego non fui: me vult fuisse,

Cic. Planc. 34, 84.—

To pretend, with perf. inf., both subjects denoting the same person:

unde homines dum se falso terrore coacti Effugisse volunt, etc.,

Lucr. 3, 69 (cf. A. 1. n. supra).—

To mean, with perf. inf.:

utrum scientem vultis contra foedera fecisse, an inscientem?

Cic. Balb. 5, 13.— With pres. inf.:

quam primum istud, quod esse vis?

what do you mean by as soon as possible? Sen. Ep. 117, 24.—

Rarely in the first pers., implying that the opinion is open to discussion:

ut et mihi, quae ego vellem non esse oratoris, concederes,

what according to my opinion is not the orator's province, Cic. Or. 1, 17, 74.—

In partic.

With things as subjects.

Things personified:

ne res publica quidem haec pro se suscipi volet,

would have such things done for it, Cic. Off. 1, 45, 159:

cui tacere grave sit, quod homini facillimum voluerit esse natura,

which nature willed should be easiest for man, Curt. 4, 6, 6: fortuna Q. Metellum... nasci in urbe terrarum principe voluit, fate ordained that, etc., Val. Max. 7, 1, 1: nihil rerum ipsa natura voluit magnum effici cito, it is the law of nature that, etc., Quint. 10, 3, 4:

quid non ingenio voluit natura licere?

what license did nature refuse to genius? Mart. 8, 68, 9:

me sine, quem semper voluit fortuna jacere,

Prop. 1, 6, 25:

hanc me militiam fata subire volunt,

id. 1, 6, 30.—

Of laws, to provide:

duodecim tabulae nocturnum furem... interfici impune voluerunt,

Cic. Mil. 3, 9:

lex duodecim tabularum tignum aedibus junctum... solvi prohibuit, pretiumque ejus dari voluit,

Dig. 46, 3, 98, § 8 fin. (cf. Cic. Div. in Caecil. 6, 21, b. a, infra).—

With perf. pass. inf., to represent a state or result wished for.

The inf. being in full, with esse expressed: si umquam quemquam di immortales voluere esse auxilio adjutum, tum me et Calidorum servatum volunt, if it ever was the will of the gods that any one should be assisted, etc., Plaut. Ps. 4, 1, 1: Corinthum patres vestri, totius Graeciae lumen, exstinctum esse voluerunt, it was their will that Corinth should be ( and remain) destroyed, Cic. Imp. Pomp. 5, 11:

nostri... leges et jura tecta esse voluerunt,

id. Or. 1, 59, 253:

propter eam partem epistulae tuae per quam te et mores tuos purgatos et probatos esse voluisti,

id. Att. 1, 17, 7; id. Fin. 4, 27, 76; id. de Or. 1, 51, 221:

daturum se operam ne cujus suorum popularium mutatam secum fortunam esse vellent,

Liv. 21, 45, 6: for velle redundant in this construction, v. II. A. 2. 3. infra.—With pass. inf. impers.:

sociis maxime lex consultum esse vult,

Cic. Div. in Caecil. 6, 21.—

With ellips. of esse (cf. Quint. 9, 3, 9): perdis me tuis dictis. Cu. Imo, servo et servatum volo, and mean that you should remain saved, Plaut. Curc. 2, 3, 56:

aunt qui volum te conventam,

who want to see you, id. Cist. 4, 2, 39:

eidem homini, si quid recte cura tum velis, mandes,

if you want to have anything done well, id. As. 1, 1, 106:

sed etiam est paucis vos quod monitos voluerim,

id. Capt. prol. 53: id nunc res indicium haeo [p. 2007] facit, quo pacto factum volueris, this shows now why you wished this to be done, Ter. Hec. 4, 1, 31 (cf. Plaut. Stich. 4, 2, 33; id. Aul. 3, 5, 30, II. B. 1, b, and II. B. 3. b. infra): domestica cura te levatum volo, I wish to see you relieved, etc., Cic. Q. Fr. 3, 9, 3:

nulla sedes quo concurrant qui rem publicam defensam velint,

id. Att. 8, 3, 4:

rex celatum voluerat (i. e. donum),

id. Verr. 2, 4, 28, § 64:

Hannibal non Capuam neglectam, neque desertos volebat socios,

Liv. 25, 20, 5; 2, 15, 2; 2, 44, 3; 3, 21, 4; 22, 7, 4;

26, 31, 6: contemptum hominis quem destructum volebat,

Quint. 8, 3, 21:

si te non emptam vellet, emendus erat,

Ov. Am. 1, 8, 34 (so with velle redundant, v. II. A. 1. d., and II. A. 3. infra).—Both subjects denoting the same person:

velle Pompeium se Caesari purgatum,

Caes. B. C. 1, 8.— Esp., with pass. inf. impers.: alicui consultum velle, to take care for or advocate somebody's interests:

liberis consultum volumus propter ipsos,

Cic. Fin. 3, 17, 57:

obliviscere illum aliquando adversario tuo voluisse consultum,

id. Att. 16, 16 C, 10:

quibus tribuni plebis nunc consultum repente volunt,

Liv. 5, 5, 3; so id. 25, 25, 17:

quamquam senatus subventum voluit heredibus,

Dig. 36, 1, 1, § 4; so with dep. part., used passively:

volo amori ejus obsecutum,

Plaut. As. 1, 1, 63.—

With predic. adj., without copula.

The subjects being different (mostly aliquem salvum velle):

si me vivum vis, pater, Ignosce,

if you wish me to live, Ter. Heaut. 5, 5, 7:

ille, si me alienus adfinem volet, Tacebit,

id. Phorm. 4, 1, 16:

ut tu illam salvam magis velis quam ego,

id. Hec. 2, 2, 17; 3, 5, 14:

quoniam ex tota provincia soli sunt qui te salvum velint,

Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 67, § 150:

irent secum extemplo qui rempublicam salvam vellent,

Liv. 22, 53, 7.—

Both subjects denoting the same person (virtually = object infinitive):

in occulto jacebis quom te maxime clarum voles (= clarus esse voles),

when you will most wish to be famous, Plaut. Trin. 3, 2, 38:

volo me patris mei similem,

I wish to be like my father, id. As. 1, 1, 54: ut iste qui se vult dicacem et mehercule est, Appius, who means to be witty, etc., Cic. Or. 2, 60, 246:

qui vero se populares volunt,

who mean to be popular, id. Off. 2, 22, 78:

ut integrum se salvumque velit,

id. Fin. 2, 11, 33:

ut (omne animal) se et salvum in suo genere incolumeque vellet,

id. ib. 4, 8, 19. —

With an inf.-clause understood.

Velle, to wish: utinam hinc abierit in malam crucem! Ad. Ita nos velle aequom est (ita = eum abire, etc.), Plaut. Poen. 4, 1, 5:

stulta es, soror, magis quam volo (i.e. te esse),

id. Pers. 4, 4, 78; id. Trin. 1, 2, 8; 2, 4, 175; id. Stich. 1, 1, 13; id. Ps. 1, 5, 55:

senatum non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem decernere,

Cic. Mil. 5, 12:

neque enim facile est ut irascatur cui tu velis judex (= cui tu eum irasci velis),

id. Or. 2, 45, 190; cf. id. Sest. 38, 82.—

Referring to the will of superiors, etc.:

deos credo voluisse, nam ni vellent, non fieret,

Plaut. Aul. 4, 10, 46: jamne abeo? St. Volo (sc. te abire), so I will, id. Cas. 2, 8, 57; cf. id. Mil. 4, 6, 12; id. Merc. 2, 3, 33.—

To mean, intend (v. B. 3.):

acutum etiam illud est cum ex alterius oratione aliud atque ille vult (sc. te excipere),

Cic. Or. 2, 67, 273.—

To require, demand (v B. 7.):

veremur quidem vos, Romani, et, si ita vultis, etiam timemus,

Liv. 39, 37, 17;

and of things as subjects: cadentque vocabula, si volet usus (i. e. ea cadere),

Hor. A. P. 71.—

To be of opinion, will have (v. B. 8.):

ergo ego, inimicus, si ita vultis, homini, amicus esse rei publicae debeo,

Cic. Prov. Cons. 8, 19:

nam illi regi tolerabili, aut, si voltis, etiam amabili, Cyro,

id. Rep. 1, 28, 44; id. Fin. 2, 27, 89; 3, 4, 12; id. Cael. 21, 53; Liv. 21, 10, 7; Quint. 2, 17, 41.—

With ellips. of predic. inf. (v. A. 2. b.): cras de reliquiis nos volo (i. e. cenare), it is my intention that we dine, etc., Plaut. Stich. 3, 2, 40:

volo Varronem (i. e. hos libros habere),

Cic. Att. 13, 25, 3.

With ut, ne, or ut ne.

With ut.

To wish:

volo ut quod jubebo facias,

Plaut. Bacch. 4, 8, 65:

quia enim id maxime volo ut illi istac confugiant,

id. Most. 5, 1, 49:

ut mihi aedes aliquas conducat volo,

id. Merc. 3, 2, 17: hoc prius volo meam rem agere. Th. Quid id est? Ph. Ut mihi hanc despondeas, id. Curc. 5, 2, 71: quid vis, nisi ut maneat Phanium? Ter. Phorm. 2, 2, 8:

velim ut tibi amicus sit,

Cic. Att. 10, 16, 1:

quare id quoque velim... ut sit qui utamur,

id. ib. 11, 11, 2:

maxime vellem, judices, ut P. Sulla... modestiae fructum aliquem percipere potuisset,

id. Sull. 1, 1:

equidem vellem uti pedes haberent (res tuae),

id. Fam. 7, 33, 2:

his ut sit digna puella volo,

Mart. 11, 27, 14.—Both subjects denoting the same person: volueram, inquit, ut quam plurimum tecum essem, Brut. ap. Cic. Att. 13, 38, 1.—

It is the will of, to want, ordain (v. B. 2.):

at ego deos credo voluisse ut apud te me in nervo enicem,

Plaut. Aul. 4, 10, 17: numquid me vis? Le. Ut valeas, id. Cist. 1, 1, 120: numquid vis? Ps. Dormitum ut abeas, id. Ps. 2, 2, 70:

volo ut mihi respondeas,

Cic. Vatin. 6, 14; 7, 17; 7, 18; 9, 21;

12, 29: nuntia Romanis, caelestes ita velle ut mea Roma caput orbis terrarum sit,

Liv. 1, 16, 7.—

To intend, it is the purpose, aim, etc., the two subjects being the same:

id quaerunt, volunt haec ut infecta faciant,

Plaut. Cas. 4, 4, 9.—

With other verbs:

quod peto et volo parentes meos ut commonstres mihi,

Ter. Heaut. 5, 4, 4:

quasi vero aut populus Romanus hoc voluerit, aut senatus tibi hoc mandaverit ut... privares,

Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 19, § 48;

with opto,

id. Imp. Pomp. 16, 48;

with laboro,

Liv. 42, 14, 3;

with aequum censere,

id. 39, 19, 7.—

With ne:

at ne videas velim,

Plaut. Rud. 4, 4, 23:

quid nunc vis? ut opperiare hos sex dies saltem modo, ne illam vendas, neu me perdas, etc.,

id. Ps. 1, 3, 102:

credibile est hoc voluisse legumlatorem, ne auxilia liberorum innocentibus deessent,

intended, Quint. 7, 1, 56.—

With ut ne: quid nunc tibi vis? Mi. Ut quae te cupit, eam ne spernas, Plaut. Mil. 4, 2, 60.

With subjunct. of dependent verb (mostly ante-class.; class. and freq. with velim and vellem; but in Cic. mostly epistolary and colloquial).

To wish:

ergo animum advortas volo,

Plaut. Capt. 2, 3, 23; 2, 3, 28; 2, 3, 70:

volo amet me patrem,

id. As. 1, 1, 63 dub.:

hoc volo agatis,

id. Cist. 1, 1, 83:

ducas volo hodie uxorem,

Ter. And. 2, 3, 14:

quid vis faciam?

Plaut. Merc. 1, 2, 49; Ter. Eun. 5, 8, 24; Plaut. Mil. 2, 3, 64; 2, 3, 65; 2, 6, 65; 3, 3, 3; id. Ps. 4, 1, 17; 4, 7, 19; id. Cas. 2, 3, 56; id. Capt. 1, 2, 12; id. Poen. 3, 2, 16; id. Pers. 2, 4, 23; id. Rud. 5, 2, 45; 5, 3, 58; id. Stich. 5, 2, 21; Ter. Heaut. 4, 6, 14:

volo etiam exquiras quam diligentissime poteris quid Lentulus agat?

Cic. Att. 8, 12, 6:

Othonem vincas volo,

id. ib. 13, 29, 2:

eas litteras volo habeas,

id. ib. 13, 32, 3:

visne igitur videamus quidnam sit, etc.,

id. Rep. 1, 10, 15: visne igitur descendatur ad Lirim? id. Fragm. ap. Macr. S. 6, 4:

volo, inquis, sciat,

Sen. Ben. 2, 10, 2.—

To be of opinion that something should be, demand, require (v. B. 7.): volo enim se efferat in adulescentia fecunditas, I like to see, etc., Cic. Or. 2, 21, 88:

volo hoc oratori contingat ut, etc.,

id. Brut. 84, 290.—

With subj.-clause understood:

abi atque obsona, propera! sed lepide volo (i. e. obsones),

Plaut. Cas. 2, 8, 55.

With object nouns, etc.

With acc. of a thing.

With a noun, to want, wish for, like to have:

voltisne olivas, aut pulmentum, aut capparim?

Plaut. Curc. 1, 1, 90:

animo male est: aquam velim,

id. Am. 5, 1, 6:

quia videt me suam amicitiam velle,

id. Aul. 2, 3, 68; so,

gratiam tuam,

id. Curc. 2, 3, 52; 2, 3, 56:

aquam,

id. ib. 2, 3, 34:

discidium,

Ter. And. 4, 2, 14: nullam ego rem umquam in vita mea Volui quin tu in ea re mihi advorsatrix fueris, I never had any wish in my life, etc., id. Heaut. 5, 3, 5: (dixit) velle Hispaniam, he wanted Spain, i. e. as a province, Cic. Att. 12, 7, 1:

mihi frumento non opus est: nummos volo,

I want the money, id. Verr. 2, 3, 85, § 196:

non poterat scilicet negare se velle pacem,

id. Att. 15, 1 a, 3; cf. id. ib. 13, 32, 2 (v. II. C. 4. infra):

si amplius obsidum (= plures obsides) vellet, dare pollicentur,

Caes. B. G. 6, 9 fin.:

pacem etiam qui vincere possunt, volunt,

Liv. 7, 40, 18:

ferunt (eum)... honestum finem voluisse,

Tac. A. 6, 26:

cum Scipio veram vellet et sine exceptione victoriam,

Flor. 1, 33 (2, 18), 12:

mensae munera si voles secundae, Marcentes tibi porrigentur uvae,

Mart. 5, 78, 11.—

Neutr. adjj., denoting things, substantively used: utrum vis opta, dum licet. La. Neutrum volo, Plaut. Ps. 3, 6, 16:

quorum isti neutrum volunt,

acknowledge neither, Cic. Fat. 12, 28:

voluimus quaedam, contendimus... Obtenta non sunt,

we aspired to certain things, id. Balb. 27, 61:

restat ut omnes unum velint,

hold one opinion, id. Marcell. 10, 32:

si plura velim,

if I wished for more, Hor. C. 3, 16, 38:

per quod probemus aliud legislatorem voluisse,

that the law-giver intended something different, Quint. 7, 6, 8:

ut putent, aliud quosdam dicere, aliud velle,

that they say one thing and mean another, id. 9, 2, 85:

utrum is qui scripsit... voluerit,

which of the two was meant by the author, id. 7, 9, 15:

ut nemo contra id quod vult dicit, ita potest melius aliquid velle quam dicit,

mean better than he speaks, id. 9, 2, 89:

quis enim pudor omnia velle?

to desire every thing, Mart. 12, 94, 11.—

With neutr. demonstr. expressed or understood, to want, intend, aim at, like, will:

immo faenus: id primum volo,

Plaut. Most. 3, 1, 64:

proximum quod sit bono... id volo,

id. Capt. 2, 2, 22:

nisi ea quae tu vis volo,

unless my purpose is the same as yours, id. Ep. 2, 2, 82:

siquidem id sapere'st, velle te id quod non potest contingere,

Ter. Heaut. 2, 3, 83:

hoc (i. e. otium cum dignitate) qui volunt omnes optimates putantur,

who aim at this, Cic. Sest. 45, 98:

privatum oportet in re publica ea velle quae tranquilla et honesta sint,

id. Off. 1, 34, 124:

quid est sapientia? Semper idem velle atque idem nolle,

Sen. Ep. 20, 5:

pudebit eadem velle quae volueras puer,

id. ib. 27, 2:

nec volo quod cruciat, nec volo quod satiat,

Mart. 1, 57, 4.—With demonstr. in place of inf.-clause:

hoc Ithacus velit, et magno mercentur Atridae (sc. poenas in me sumi),

Verg. A. 2, 104:

hoc velit Eurystheus, velit hoc germana Tonantis (sc. verum esse, Herculem, etc.),

Ov. H. 9, 7; Hor. S. 2, 3, 88.—

With neutr. of interrog. pron.: quid nunc vis? Am. Sceleste, at etiam quid velim, id tu me rogas? what do you want now? Plaut. Am. 4, 2, 5:

eloquere quid velis,

id. Cas. 2, 4, 2: heus tu! Si. Quid vis? id. Ps. 4, 7, 21; so Ter. Eun. 2, 1, 11; cf. Hor. S. 2, 3, 152:

sed plane quid velit nescio,

what his intentions are, Cic. Att. 15, 1 a, 5; id. de Or. 2, 20, 84:

mittunt etiam ad dominos qui quaerant quid velint,

to ask for their orders, id. Tusc. 2, 17, 41:

quid? Si haec... ipsius amici judicarunt? Quid amplius vultis?

what more do you require, will you have? id. Verr. 2, 3, 65, § 152:

quid amplius vis?

Hor. Epod. 17, 30:

spectatur quid voluerit scriptor,

we find out the author's intention, Quint. 7, 10, 1.—Sometimes quid vult = quid sibi vult (v. 4. b.), to mean, signify:

capram illam suspicor jam invenisse... quid voluerit,

what it signified, Plaut. Merc. 2, 1, 30:

sed tamen intellego quid velit,

Cic. Fin. 2, 31, 101:

quid autem volunt ea di immortales significantes quae sine interpretibus non possimus intellegere? etc.,

id. Div. 2, 25, 54.—Of things as subjects:

hunc ensem mittit tibi... Et jubet ex merito scire quid iste velit,

Ov. H. 11, 96.—

With rel. pron.:

quod volui, ut volui, impetravi... a Philocomasio,

Plaut. Mil. 4, 5, 1:

ut quod frons velit oculi sciant,

that the eyes know what the forehead wants, id. Aul. 4, 1, 13:

illi quae volo concedere,

to yield to him my wishes, id. Cas. 2, 3, 49:

si illud quod volumus dicitur,

what we like, id. Truc. 1, 2, 95:

multa eveniunt homini quae volt, quae nevolt,

id. Trin. 2, 2, 84; id. Ep. 2, 2, 4:

quamquam (litterae tuae) semper aliquid adferunt quod velim,

Cic. Att. 11, 11, 1:

quae vellem quaeque sentirem dicendi,

id. Marcell. 1, 1:

uti ea quae vellent impetrarent,

Caes. B. G. 1, 31:

satis animi ad id quod tam diu vellent,

to carry out what they had desired so long, Liv. 4, 54, 5:

sed quod volebant non... expediebant,

their purpose, id. 24, 23, 9. —Idiomatically: quod volo = quod demonstrare volo, what I intend to prove:

illud quod volumus expressum est, ut vaticinari furor vera soleat,

Cic. Div. 1, 31, 67:

bis sumpsit quod voluit,

he has twice begged the question, id. ib. 2, 52, 107.—With indef. relations:

cornucopia ubi inest quidquid volo,

whatever I wish for, Plaut. Ps. 2, 3, 5:

Caesar de Bruto solitus est dicere: magni refert hic quid velit, sed quidquid volt, valde volt,

whatever he wills he wills strongly, Cic. Att. 14, 1, 2.—

With indef. pronn.

Si quid vis, if you want any thing: illo praesente mecum agito si quid voles, [p. 2008] Plaut. Most. 5, 1, 72: Py. Adeat si quid volt. Pa. Si quid vis, adi, mulier, id. Mil. 4, 2, 47:

eumque Alexander cum rogaret, si quid vellet, ut diceret,

id. Or. 2, 66, 266; Caes. B. G. 1, 7 fin. —

Nisi quid vis, unless you wish to give some order, to make some remark, etc.:

ego eo ad forum nisi quid vis,

Plaut. As. 1, 1, 94:

nunc de ratione videamus, nisi quid vis ad haec,

Cic. Tusc. 2, 18, 42.—

Numquid vis or ecquid vis? have you any orders to give? a formula used by inferiors before leaving their superiors; cf. Don. ad Ter. Ad. 2, 2, 39:

visunt, quid agam, ecquid velim,

Plaut. Mil. 3, 1, 113:

numquid vis aliud?

Ter. Eun. 1, 2, 111; 1, 2, 106; id. Ad. 2, 2, 39; 3, 3, 78; id. Hec. 2, 2, 30:

numquid vellem rogavit,

Cic. Att. 6, 3, 6:

frequentia rogantium num quid vellet,

Liv. 6, 34, 7:

rogavit num quid in Sardiniam vellet. Te puto saepe habere qui num quid Romam velis quaerant,

Cic. Q. Fr. 2, 2, 1.—

With acc. of the person: aliquem velle.

To want somebody, i. e. in order to see him, to speak with him (ante-class. and colloq.):

Demenaetum volebam,

I wanted, wished to see, Demenoetus, Plaut. As. 2, 3, 12:

bona femina et malus masculus volunt te,

id. Cist. 4, 2, 40:

solus te solum volo,

id. Capt. 3, 4, 70:

quia non est intus quem ego volo,

id. Mil. 4, 6, 40:

hae oves volunt vos,

id. Bacch. 5, 2, 24:

quis me volt? Perii, pater est,

Ter. And. 5, 3, 1:

centuriones trium cohortium me velle postridie,

Cic. Att. 10, 16, 4.—With paucis verbis or paucis, for a few words ( moments):

volo te verbis pauculis,

Plaut. Ep. 3, 4, 28:

sed paucis verbis te volo, Palaestrio,

id. Mil. 2, 4, 22:

Sosia, Adesdum, paucis te volo,

Ter. And. 1, 1, 2.—

To love, like somebody, to be fond of somebody (anteclass. and poet.):

hanc volo (= amo),

Plaut. As. 5, 1, 18:

sine me amare unum Argyrippum... quem volo,

id. ib. 3, 2, 38:

quom quae te volt, eamdem tu vis,

id. Mil. 4, 2, 80:

aut quae (vitia) corpori' sunt ejus siquam petis ac vis,

Lucr. 4, 1152:

quam volui nota fit arte mea,

Ov. Am. 1, 10, 60: nolo virum, facili redimit qui sanguine famam: hunc volo, laudari qui sine morte potest, I like the one who, etc., Mart. 1, 8, 6.—

To wish to have:

roga, velitne an non uxorem,

whether he wishes to have his wife or not, Ter. Hec. 4, 1, 43:

ut sapiens velit gerere rem publicam, atque... uxorem adjungere, et velle ex ea liberos (anacoluth.),

Cic. Fin. 3, 20, 68.—

With two accusatives: (narrato) illam te amare et velle uxorem,

that you wish to have her as your wife, Ter. Heaut. 4, 3, 25; cf. id. Phorm. 1, 2, 65.—

With two accusatives, of the person and the thing: aliquem aliquid velle, to want something of somebody (cf.: aliquem aliquid rogare; mostly ante-class.;

not in Cic.): numquid me vis?

Plaut. Cist. 1, 1, 120:

face certiorem me quid meus vir me velit,

id. Cas. 2, 6, 1:

num quidpiam me vis aliud?

id. Truc. 2, 4, 81:

nunc verba in pauca conferam quid te velim,

id. As. 1, 1, 74:

narrabit ultro quid sese velis,

id. Ps. 2, 4, 60:

quid me voluisti?

id. Mil. 4, 2, 35:

numquid aliud me vis?

Ter. Phorm. 1, 2, 101:

quin tu uno verbo dic quid est quod me velis,

id. And. 1, 1, 18; Plaut. Capt. 3, 4, 85; id. Cist. 2, 3, 49; id. As. 2, 3, 12; id. Merc. 5, 2, 27; id. Pers. 4, 6, 11; Ter. Heaut. 4, 8, 31; id. Phorm. 2, 4, 18; id. Eun. 2, 3, 47; id. Hec. 3, 4, 15:

si quid ille se velit, illum ad se venire oportere,

Caes. B. G. 1, 34:

cum mirabundus quidnam (Taurea) sese vellet, resedisset Flaccus, Me quoque, inquit, etc.,

Liv. 26, 15, 11; also, I want to speak with somebody (v. 2. a. a):

paucis, Euclio, est quod te volo,

Plaut. Aul. 2, 2, 22:

est quod te volo secreto,

id. Bacch. 5, 2, 33.—

With acc. of thing and dat. of the person: aliquid alicui velle, to wish something to somebody (= cupio aliquid alicui; v. cupio;

rare): quamquam vobis volo quae voltis, mulieres,

Plaut. Rud. 4, 4, 1:

si ex me illa liberos vellet sibi,

Ter. Hec. 4, 4, 33:

praesidium velle se senectuti suae,

id. ib. 1, 2, 44:

nihil est mali quod illa non initio filio voluerit, optaverit,

Cic. Clu. 66, 188:

rem Romanam huc provectam ut externis quoque gentibus quietem velit,

Tac. A. 12, 11:

cui ego omnia meritissimo volo et debeo,

to whom I give and owe my best wishes, Quint. 9, 2, 35.—Esp., in the phrase quid vis (vult) with reflex. dat. of interest, lit. what do you want for yourself?

Quid tibi vis = quid vis, the dat. being redundant (rare):

quid aliud tibi vis?

what else do you want? Ter. Heaut. 2, 3, 90.—With quisque:

haud ita vitam agerent ut nunc plerumque videmus Quid sibi quisque velit nescire,

be ignorant as to their own aims and purposes, Lucr. 3, 1058.—

What do you mean? what do you drive at? what is your scope, object, drift (rare in post-Aug. writers; Don. ad Ter. Eun. prol. 45, declares it an archaism).

In 1 st pers. (rare):

nunc quid processerim huc, et quid mihi voluerim dicam,

and what I meant thereby, what was the purpose of my coming, Plaut. As. prol. 6:

quid mihi volui? quid mihi nunc prodest bona voluntas?

Sen. Ben. 4, 21, 6.—

In 2 d pers.:

quid nunc tibi vis, mulier, memora,

what is the drift of your talk? Plaut. Mil. 4, 2, 60: sed quid nunc tibi vis? what do you want to come at (i.e. by your preamble)? id. Poen. 1, 1, 24: quid tu tibi vis? Ego non tangam meam? what do you mean? i. e. what is your purpose? Ter. Eun. 4, 7, 28:

quid tibi vis? quid cum illa rei tibi est?

id. ib. 4, 7, 34:

quid est quod sic gestis? quid sibi hic vestitus quaerit? Quid est quod laetus sis? quid tibi vis?

what do you mean by all this? id. ib. 3, 5, 11:

quid est, inepta? quid vis tibi? quid rides?

id. ib. 5, 6, 6:

quid vis tibi? Quid quaeris?

id. Heaut. 1, 1, 9: Ph. Fabulae! Ch. Quid vis tibi? id. Phorm. 5, 8, 53:

roganti ut se in Asiam praefectum duceret, Quid tibi vis, inquit, insane,

Cic. Or. 2, 67, 269; so in 2 d pers. plur.:

pro deum fidem, quid vobis vultis?

Liv. 3, 67, 7.—

In 3 d pers.:

quid igitur sibi volt pater? cur simulat?

Ter. And. 2, 3, 1:

quid hic volt veterator sibi?

id. ib. 2, 6, 26:

proinde desinant aliquando me isdem inflare verbis: quid sibi iste vult?... Cur ornat eum a quo desertus est?

Cic. Dom. 11, 29:

quid sibi vellet (Caesar)? cur in suas possessiones veniret?

Caes. B. G. 1, 44 med.:

conicere in eum oculos, mirantes quid sibi vellet (i. e. by courting the plebeians),

Liv. 3, 35, 5:

qui quaererent quid sibi vellent qui armati Aventinum obsedissent,

id. 3, 50, 15:

quid sibi voluit providentia quae Aridaeum regno imposuit?

Sen. Ben. 4, 31, 1: volt, non volt dare Galla mihi, nec dicere possum quod volt et non volt, quid sibi Galla velit, Mart: 3, 90, 2.—

Transf. of things as subjects, what means, what signifies? quid volt sibi, Syre, haec oratio? Ter. Heaut. 4, 1, 2:

ut pernoscatis quid sibi Eunuchus velit,

id. Eun. prol. 45:

quid ergo illae sibi statuae equestres inauratae volunt?

Cic. Verr. 2, 2, 61, § 150:

quid haec sibi horum civium Romanorum dona voluerunt?

id. ib. 2, 3, 80, §

186: avaritia senilis quid sibi velit, non intellego,

what is the meaning of the phrase, id. Sen. 18, 66:

quid ergo illa sibi vult pars altera orationis qua Romanos a me cultos ait?

Liv. 40, 12, 14:

tacitae quid vult sibi noctis imago?

Ov. M. 9, 473.—

Bene or male alicui velle, to wish one well or ill, to like or dislike one (ante-class. and poet.): Ph. Bene volt tibi. St. Nequam est illud verbum bene volt, nisi qui bene facit, Plaut. Trin. 2, 4, 37 sq.:

jam diu ego huic bene et hic mihi volumus,

id. Ps. 1, 3, 4:

ut tibi, dum vivam, bene velim plus quam mihi,

id. Cas. 2, 8, 30:

egone illi ut non bene vellem?

id. Truc. 2, 4, 90; cf. id. ib. 2, 4, 95; id. Merc. 2, 1, 21; id. Ps. 4, 3, 7; id. Poen. 3, 3, 9:

nisi quod tibi bene ex animo volo,

Ter. Heaut. 5, 2, 6:

quo tibi male volt maleque faciet,

Plaut. Pers. 5, 2, 44:

atque isti etiam parum male volo,

id. Truc. 5, 7; cf. id. As. 5, 1, 13:

utinam sic sient qui mihi male volunt,

Ter. Eun. 4, 3, 13:

non sibi male vult,

he does not dislike himself, Petr. 38; so, melius or optime alicui velle, to like one better or best:

nec est quisquam mihi aeque melius quoi vellem,

Plaut. Capt. 3, 5, 42; id. Merc. 5, 2, 57:

illi ego ex omnibus optime volo,

id. Most. 1, 4, 24.—And bene velle = velle: bene volueris in precatione augurali Messalla augur ait, significare volueris, Fest. s. v. bene sponsis, p. 351.—

With abl.: alicujus causa velle, to like one for his own sake, i. e. personally, a Ciceronian phrase, probably inst. of omnia alicujus causa velle; lit. to wish every thing (i.e. good) in somebody's behalf.

With omnia expressed: etsi mihi videor intellexisse cum tecum de re M. Annaeii locutus sum, te ipsius causa vehementer omnia velle, tamen, etc.... ut non dubitem quin magnus cumulus accedat commenda tionis meae, Cic. Fam. 13, 55, 1:

repente coepit dicere, se omnia Verris causa velle,

that he had the most friendly disposition towards Verres, id. Verr. 2, 2, 26, § 64:

accedit eo quod Varro magnopere ejus causa vult omnia,

id. Fam. 13, 22, 1.—

Without omnia:

per eos qui nostra causa volunt, valentque apud illum,

Cic. Att. 11, 8, 1:

sed et Phameae causa volebam,

id. ib. 13, 49, 1:

etsi te ipsius Attici causa velle intellexeram,

id. ib. 16, 16, A, 6:

valde enim ejus causa volo,

id. Fam. 16, 17, 2 fin.:

illud non perficis quo minus tua causa velim,

id. ib. 3, 7, 6;

12, 7, 1: si me velle tua causa putas,

id. ib. 7, 17, 2:

regis causa si qui sunt qui velint,

id. ib. 1, 1, 1:

credo tua causa velle Lentulum,

id. Q. Fr. 1, 4, 5; id. Div. in Caecil. 6, 21; cf. id. Imp. Pomp. (v. C. 1. b. supra), where the phrase has its literal meaning; cf. also: alicujus causa (omnia) cupere; v. cupio.—

With acc. and subjunct. per ecthesin (ante-class.): nunc ego illum meum virum veniat velim (by mixture of constructions: meum virum velim; and:

meus vir veniat velim),

Plaut. Cas. 3, 2, 29:

nunc ego Simonidem mi obviam veniat velim,

id. Ps. 4, 5, 10:

nimis hercle ego illum corvum ad me veniat velim,

id. Aul. 4, 6, 4:

saltem aliquem velim qui mihi ex his locis viam monstret,

id. Rud. 1, 3, 35:

patrem atque matrem viverent vellem tibi,

id. Poen. 5, 2, 106; cf. id. Merc. 2, 1, 30 (v. E. 1. d. supra).

Velle used absolutely, variously rendered to will, have a will, wish, consent, assent:

quod vos, malum... me sic ludificamini? Nolo volo, volo nolo rursum,

I nill I will, I will I nill again, Ter. Phorm. 5, 8, 57: novi ingenium mulierum: Nolunt ubi velis, ubi nolis cupiunt ultro, they will not where you will, etc., id. Eun. 4, 7, 43:

quis est cui velle non liceat?

who is not free to wish? Cic. Att. 7, 11. 2:

in magnis et voluisse sat est,

Prop. 2, 10 (3, 1), 6:

tarde velle nolentis est,

slow ness in consenting betrays the desire to refuse, Sen. Ben. 2, 5, 4:

quae (animalia) nullam injuriam nobis faciunt, quia velle non possunt, id. Ira, 2, 26, 4: ejus est nolle qui potest velle,

the power to assent implies the power to dissent, Dig. 50, 17, 3.—So velle substantively:

sed ego hoc ipsum velle miserius duco quam in crucem tolli,

that very wishing, Cic. Att. 7, 11, 2: inest enim velle in carendo, the word carere implies the notion of a wish, id. Tusc. 1, 36, 88:

velle ac posse in aequo positum erat,

his will and power were balanced, Val. Max. 6, 9, ext. 5:

velle tuum nolo, Didyme, nolle volo,

Mart. 5, 83, 2:

velle suum cuique est,

each has his own likings, Pers. 5, 53.

In partic.

Redundant, when the will to do is identified with the act itself.

In imperative sentences.

In independent sentences introduced by noli velle, where noli has lost the idea of volition:

nolite, judices, hunc velle maturius exstingui vulnere vestro quam suo fato,

do not resolve, Cic. Cael. 32, 79:

nolite igitur id velle quod fieri non potest,

id. Phil. 7, 8, 25: qui timor bonis omnibus injectus sit... nolite a me commoneri velle, do not wish, expect, to be reminded by me, etc., id. Mur. 25, 50: nolite hunc illi acerbum nuntium velle perferri, let it not be your decision that, etc., id. Balb. 28, 64: cujus auspicia pro vobis experti nolite adversus vos velle experiri, do not desire, etc., Liv. 7, 40, 16:

noli adversum eos me velle ducere, etc.,

Nep. Att. 4, 2.—

Ne velis or ne velit fecisse = ne feceris, or ne facito (v. I. A. 3. a. supra).—So ne velis with pres. inf.:

neve, revertendi liber, abesse velis (= neve abfueris),

Ov. H. 1, 80.—

In affirmative imperative sentences (velim esse = esto;

rare): tu tantum fida sorori Esse velis (= fida esto or sis),

Ov. M. 2, 745; and in 3 d pers.:

di procul a cunctis... Hujus notitiam gentis habere velint (= habeant),

id. P. 1, 7, 8:

credere modo qui discet velit (= credat qui discet),

Quint. 8, prooem. 12. —

In clauses dependent on verbs of commanding and wishing:

aut quia significant divam praedicere ut armis Ac virtute velint patriam defendere terram (= ut defendant),

Lucr. 2, 641: precor quaesoque ne ante oculos patris facere et pati omnia infanda velis (= facias et patiaris). Liv. 23, 9, 2:

monentes ne experiri vellet imperium cujus vis, etc.,

id. 2, 59, 4; 39, 13, 2:

et mea... opto Vulnera qui fecit facta levare velit,

Ov. Tr. 5, 2, 18: nos contra (oravimus) [p. 2009]... ne vertere secum Cuncta pater fatoque urguenti incumbere vellet, Verg. A. 2, 653. —With pass. perf. inf. (v. I. B. 9. b. b):

legati Sullam orant ut filii innocentis fortunas conservatas velit (virtually = fortunas conservet),

Cic. Rosc. Am. 9, 25:

a te peto ut utilitatem sociorum per te quam maxime defensam et auctam velis (= defendas et augeas),

id. Fam. 13, 9, 3.—So after utinam or ut:

utinam illi qui prius eum viderint me apud eum velint adjutum tantum quantum ego vellem si quid possem (= utinam illi me adjuvent quantum ego adjuvarem, etc.),

id. Att. 11, 7, 7:

cautius ut saevo velles te credere Marti (= utinam te credidisses),

Verg. A. 11, 153:

edictum praemittit ad quam diem magistratus... sibi esse praesto Cordubae vellet (= sibi praesto essent),

Caes. B. C. 1, 19 (cf. also I. B. 9. b. b, and I. B. 2. fin. supra).—

In conditional clauses, si facere velim = si faciam, often rendered by the potential or future auxiliaries would or will:

non tu scis, Bacchae bacchanti si velis advorsarier, ex insana insaniorem facies? (= si advorseris),

Plaut. Am. 2, 2, 80:

si meum Imperium exsequi voluisset, interemptam oportuit (= si executus esset),

Ter. Heaut. 4, 1, 22:

si id confiteri velim, tamen istum condemnetis necesse est (= si id confitear),

if I would acknowledge, Cic. Verr. 2, 2, 18, § 45:

si quis velit ita dicere... nihil dicat (= si quis dicat),

id. Fat. 14, 32:

dies deficiat si velim numerare, etc.,

id. N. D. 3, 32, 81;

so,

id. Tusc. 5, 35, 102; id. Verr. 2, 2, 21, § 52:

qua in sententia si constare voluissent, suam auctoritatem... recuperassent,

id. Fam. 1, 9, 14; id. Verr. 2, 1, 11, § 31; id. Lael. 20, 75:

conicere potestis, si recordari volueritis quanta, etc.,

if you will remember, id. Verr. 2, 4, 58, § 129; so id. Or. 1, 44, 197; id. Brut. 1, 2, 5:

quod si audire voletis externa, maximas res publicas ab adulescentibus labefactatas reperietis,

id. Sen. 6, 20; so id. Or. 1, 60, 256; 2, 23, 95:

ejus me compotem voti vos facere potestis, si meminisse vultis, non vos in Samnio, etc.,

Liv. 7, 40, 5; 23, 13, 6; 23, 15, 4: cum olera Diogeni lavanti Aristippus dixisset: si Dionysium adulare velles, ista non esses;

Imo, inquit, si tu ista esse velles, non adulares Dionysium,

Val. Max. 4, 3, ext. 4:

ut si his (legibus) perpetuo uti voluissent, sempiternum habituri fuerint imperium,

id. 5, 3, ext. 3:

quid enim si mirari velit, non in silvestribus dumis poma pendere,

Sen. Ira, 2, 10, 6; cf. Curt. 5, 1, 1; 3, 5, 6; Ov. H. 17 (18), 43.—With perf. inf. pass.:

nisi ea (opera) certi auctores monumentis suis testata esse voluissent,

Val. Max. 3, 2, 24.—

In declarative sentences.

Volo in 1 st pers. with perf. pass. inf. or part. (volo oratum esse or oratum = oro; v. I. B. 9. b. a and b):

vos omnes opere magno esse oratos volo benigne ut operam detis, etc.,

Plaut. Cas. prol. 21:

justam rem et facilem esse oratam a vobis volo,

id. Am. prol. 33:

illud tamen te esse admonitum volo, etc.,

Cic. Cael. 3, 8:

sed etiam est paucis vos quod monitos voluerim,

Plaut. Capt. prol. 53:

illud te, Tulli, monitum velim etc.,

Liv. 1, 23, 8:

quamobrem omnes eos oratos volo Ne, etc.,

Ter. Heaut. prol. 26; so, factum volo = faciam: serva tibi sodalem, et mihi filium. Mne. Factum volo, I will, Plaut. Bacch. 3, 3, 91: pariter nunc opera me adjuves ac, etc. Nau. Factum volo, Ter. Phorm. 5, 3, 4; so Plaut. Pers. 2, 5, 10.—In 3 d pers.:

esse salutatum vult te mea littera primum,

Ov. P. 2, 7, 1.—

With pres. inf.:

propterea te vocari ad cenam volo (= voco te),

Plaut. Capt. 1, 2, 72:

sed nunc rogare hoc ego vicissim te volo: quid fuit, etc. (= nunc te rogo),

id. Trin. 1, 2, 136.—

With perf. act. inf.:

pace tua dixisse velim (= pace tua dixerim),

Ov. P. 3, 1, 9.—

In other connections, when the will or purpose is made more prominent than the action:

eorum alter, qui Antiochus vocatur, iter per Siciliam facere voluit (= fecit),

Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 27, § 61:

si suscipere eam (religionem) nolletis, tamen in eo qui violasset sancire vos velle oporteret (= sancire vos oporteret),

id. ib. 2, 4, 51, §

114: ut insequentibus diebus nemo eorum forum aut publicum adspicere vellet (= adspiceret),

Liv. 9, 7, 11:

talentis mille percussorem in me emere voluisti (= emisti),

Curt. 3, 5, 6: quin etiam senatus gratias ei agentem quod redire voluisset ante portas eduxit (= quod redisset), Val. Max. 3, 4, 4:

utri prius gratulemur, qui hoc dicere voluit, an cui audire contigit? (= qui hoc dixit),

id. 4, 7, ext. 2:

sic tua non paucae carpere facta volent (= carpent),

Ov. P. 3, 1, 64.

Velim, as potential subjunctive (mostly in 1 st pers. sing., as subjunctive of modest statement), = volo, I wish, I should like.

With verb in the second person.

With pres. subj., so most frequently in Cic.

As a modest imperative of the dependent verb: velim facias = fac, I wish you would do it, please do it:

ego quae in rem tuam sint, ea velim facias,

Ter. Phorm. 2, 4, 9:

eas (litteras) in eundem fasciculum velim addas,

Cic. Att. 12, 53:

eum salvere jubeas velim,

id. ib. 7, 7, 7:

velim me facias certiorem, etc.,

id. ib. 1, 19, 9:

tu velim saepe ad nos scribas,

id. ib. 1, 12, 4:

velim mihi ignoscas,

id. Fam. 13, 75, 1:

tu velim animum a me parumper avertas,

id. Lael. 1, 5; cf. id. Att. 1, 11, 3; 7, 3, 11; 8, 12, 5; id. Fam. 15, 3, 2 et saep.:

haec pro causa mea dicta accipiatis velim,

Liv. 42, 34, 13: velim, inquit, hoc mihi probes, Aug. ap. Suet. Aug. 51:

Musa velim memores, etc.,

Hor. S. 1, 5, 53.—

Expressing a wish without a command (v. vellem):

vera dicas velim,

I wish you told the truth, Plaut. Cas. 2, 3, 18:

quam velim Bruto persuadeas ut Asturae sit,

Cic. Att. 14, 15, 4:

ipse velim poenas experiare meas,

Ov. Tr. 3, 11, 74;

so in asseverations: ita velim me promerentem ames, dum vivas, mi pater, ut... id mihi vehementer dolet,

Ter. Ad. 4, 5, 47.—

With infinitive clause.

With the force of a modest imperative:

sed qui istuc credam ita esse, mihi dici velim (i. e. a te),

Ter. Phorm. 5, 6, 15:

extremum illud est quod mihi abs te responderi velim,

Cic. Vat. 17, 41 (may be a dependent subjunctive):

itaque vos ego, milites, non eo solum animo.... pugnare velim, etc.,

Liv. 21, 41, 10.—

As a mere wish:

velim te arbitrari, frater, etc.,

Plaut. Aul. 2, 1, 1:

primum te arbitrari id quod res est velim,

Ter. Eun. 5, 5, 9.—With perf. act.:

hanc te quoque ad ceteras tuas eximias virtutes, Masinissa, adjecisse velim,

Liv. 30, 14, 6.—With perf. pass., Liv. 1, 23, 8 (v. II. A. 3. a. supra).—

With ut (rare):

de tuis velim ut eo sis animo, quo debes esse,

Cic. Fam. 4, 14, 4. —

With ne (rare), Plaut. Rud. 4, 4, 23 (v. I. C. 2. supra).—

With dependent verb in the third person, expressing a wish.

With pres. subj.:

ita se defatigent velim Ut, etc.,

Ter. Ad. 4, 1, 3:

de Cicerone quae mihi scribis, jucunda mihi sunt: velim sint prospera,

Cic. Att. 14, 11, 2:

velim seu Himilco, seu Mago respondeat,

Liv. 23, 12, 15:

sint haec vera velim,

Verg. Cir. 306:

nulla me velim syllaba effugiat,

Quint. 11, 2, 45.—With final clause:

tu velim mihi ad urbem praesto sis, ut tuis consiliis utar,

Cic. Att. 9, 16, 3; cf. id. ib. 11, 11, 2 (v. I. C. 2. supra).—With ellips. of pres. subj.:

velim mehercule Asturae Brutus (i. e. sit),

Cic. Att. 14, 11, 1.—

With perf. subj. (a wish referring to the past):

nimis velim improbissumo homini malas edentaverint,

Plaut. Rud. 3, 2, 48.—

With inf.-clause:

ne ego nunc mihi modium mille esse argenti velim!

Plaut. Stich. 4, 2, 9: di me perdant! Me. Quodcunque optes, velim tibi contingere, id. Cist. 2, 1, 30:

velim eum tibi placere quam maxime,

Cic. Brut. 71, 249: idque primum ita esse velim;

deinde etiam, si non sit, mihi persuaderi tamen velim,

id. Tusc. 1, 11, 24:

quod faxitis, deos velim fortunare,

Liv. 6, 41, 12.—With perf. pass. inf. (v. I. B. 9. b. b, supra):

edepol te hodie lapide percussum velim,

Plaut. Stich. 4, 2, 33:

moribus praefectum mulierum hunc factum velim,

id. Aul. 3, 5, 30.—With inf.-clause understood:

nimium plus quam velim nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia,

Liv. 2, 37, 4.—

With verb in the first person.

With inf. pres. (so most freq.):

atque hoc velim probare omnibus, etc.,

Cic. Prov. Cons. 20, 47:

velim scire ecquid de te recordere,

id. Tusc. 1, 6, 13:

quare te, ut polliceris, videre plane velim,

id. Att. 11, 9, 3:

nec vero velim... a calce ad carceres revocari,

id. Sen. 23, 83:

sed multitudo ea quid animorum... habeat scire velim,

Liv. 23, 12, 7:

interrogare tamen velim, an Isocrates Attice dixerit,

Quint. 12, 10, 22.—With perf. inf. act., Ov. P. 3, 1, 9 (v. II. A. 3. c.).—

With acc. and inf.:

quod velis, modo id velim me scire,

Plaut. Cas. 2, 4, 8.—So with perf. pass. inf.:

ego praeterquam quod nihil haustum ex vano velim, Fabium... potissimum auctorem habui,

Liv. 22, 7, 4.—

With subj. pres.:

eo velim tam facili uti possim et tam bono in me quam Curione,

Cic. Att. 10, 8, 10 B. and K. ex conj. Mull. (Lachm., Hoffm. posse; al. possem).—

Velim in the principal sentence of conditional clauses, I would, I should be willing:

aetatem velim servire, Libanum ut (= si) conveniam modo,

Plaut. As. 2, 2, 8:

velim, si fieri possit,

id. Truc. 2, 4, 12:

si quid tibi compendi facere possim, factum edepol velim (redundant),

id. ib. 2, 4, 26:

si possim, velim,

id. Stich. 4, 2, 9:

nec velim (imitari orationes Thucydidis) si possim,

Cic. Brut. 83, 287:

si liceat, nulli cognitus esse velim,

Ov. Tr. 5, 12, 42.—

The other persons of velim in potential use (rare).

Velis.

Imperatively = cupito:

quoniam non potest fieri quod vis, Id velis quod possit,

Ter. And. 2, 1, 6:

atque aliquos tamen esse velis tibi, alumna, penates,

Verg. Cir. 331.—

Declaratively with indef. subj.: quom inopia'st, cupias; quando ejus copia'st, tum non velis, then you (i.e. people, they) do not want it, Plaut. Trin. 3, 2, 45.—

Redundant, as a form of the imperative of the dependent verb, Ov. Am. 1, 4, 38 (v. I. A. 3. a. b); id. H. 1, 80 (v. II. A. 1. b.); id. M. 2, 746 (v. II. A. 1. c.).—

Velit.

Modestly for vult:

te super aetherias licentius auras Haud pater ille velit, etc.,

Verg. A. 7, 558: nemo enim minui velit id in quo maximus fuit, would like that to be diminished in which, etc., Quint. 12, 11, 6; cf. Verg. A. 2, 104, and Ov. H. 9, 7 (v. I. E. 1. c. supra).— So, poet., instead of vellet with perf. inf.:

ut fiat, quid non illa dedisse velit?

Ov. Am. 2, 17, 30.—

= imperative of third person:

arma velit, poscatque simul rapiatque juventus,

Verg. A. 7, 340.—Redundantly, giving to the dependent verb the force of an imperative, Quint. 8, prooem. 12 (v. II. A. 1. c. supra; v. also I. A. 3. a. supra).—

Velimus.

In the optative sense of velim:

sed scire velimus quod tibi nomen siet,

Plaut. Pers. 4, 6, 18.—

With imperative sense (= let us, we should, etc.), Quint. 6, 3, 28 (v. I. A. 2. d. supra).—

Velitis = velim velitis (i. e. jubeatis, jubete):

novos consules ita cum Samnite gerere bellum velitis ut omnia ante nos bella gesta sunt,

Liv. 9, 8, 10.—So especially in velitis jubeatis, a formula in submitting a law to the votes of the people in the comitia centuriata or tributa, let it be resolved and ordered by you:

rogatus in haec verba populus: velitis jubeatisne haec sic fieri, si respublica populi Romani Quiritium, etc.,

Liv. 22, 10, 2:

velitis jubeatis, Quirites... uti de ea re Ser. Sulpicius praetor urbanus ad senatum referat, etc.,

id. 38, 54, 3.—And parodied by Cic.:

velitis jubeatis ut quod Cicero versum fecerit,

Cic. Pis. 29, 72.—So in oblique discourse, vellent juberent:

rogationem promulgavit, vellent juberent Philippo... bellum indici,

Liv. 31, 6, 1:

vellent juberentne se regnare,

id. 1, 46, 1; cf.

in the resolution of the people: plebis sic jussit: quod senatus... censeat, id volumus jubemusque,

id. 26, 33, 14.—

Velint, optative and redundant, Cic. Att. 11, 7, 7 (v. II. A. 1. d.); Ov. P. 1, 7, 8 (v. II. A. 1. c.).

Vellem, as potential subjunctive, I wish, should like, should have liked, representing the wish as contrary to fact, while velim refers to a wish which may be realized:

de Menedemo vellem verum fuisset, de regina velim verum sit,

Cic. Att. 15, 4, 4. It is not used with imperative force; cf.:

quod scribis, putare te... vellem scriberes, cur ita putares... tu tamen velim scribas,

Cic. Att. 11, 24, 5.—Often quam vellem, how I wish, i. e. I wish very much; and in the same sense: nimium vellem, v. infra.

With verb in first person.

With inf. pres., I wish, would like, referring to present or future actions:

videre equidem vos vellem, cum huic aurum darem,

Plaut. Poen. 3, 3, 68:

vellem equidem idem posse gloriari quod Cyrus,

Cic. Sen. 10, 32:

vellem equidem vobis placere, Quirites, sed, etc.,

Liv. 3, 68, 9:

quam fieri vellem meus libellus!

Mart. 8, 72, 9.—With cuperem and optarem:

nunc ego Triptolemi cuperem conscendere currus... Nunc ego Medeae vellem frenare dracones... Nunc ego jactandas optarem sumere pennas, etc.,

Ov. Tr. 3, 8, 1 sqq.— [p. 2010] Rarely, I should have liked:

tum equidem istuc os tuum inpudens videre nimium vellem!

Ter. Eun. 3, 5, 49.—And in conditional sense:

maerorem minui: dolorem nec potui, nec, si possem, vellem (i. e. minuere),

Cic. Att. 12, 28, 2:

certe ego, si sineres, titulum tibi reddere vellem,

Ov. Tr. 4, 5, 13:

sic nec amari quidem vellem (i. e. if I were in his place),

Sen. Ira, 1, 20, 4.—

With perf. inf., I wish I had:

abiit, vah! Rogasse vellem,

I wish I had asked him, Ter. Heaut. 5, 2, 25:

maxime vellem semper tecum fuisse,

Cic. Att. 8, 11, D, 5:

quam vellem petisse ab eo quod audio Philippum impetrasse,

id. ib. 10, 4, 10:

non equidem vellem, quoniam nocitura fuerunt, Pieridum sacris imposuisse manum,

Ov. Tr. 4, 1, 27:

ante equidem summa de re statuisse, Latini, Et vellem, et fuerat melius,

Verg. A. 11, 303. —

With inf.-clause, the predicate being a perf. part. (v. I. B. 9. b. b, supra):

virum me natam vellem,

would I had been born a man! Ter. Phorm. 5, 3, 9.—

With subj. imperf. (rare):

quam vellem, Panaetium nostrum nobiscum haberemus,

Cic. Rep. 1, 10, 15.—

The subject of the dependent verb in the second person.

With subj. imperf. (the regular construction):

hodie igitur me videbit, ac vellem tum tu adesses,

I wish you could be present, Cic. Att. 13, 7, 2:

quam vellem de his etiam oratoribus tibi dicere luberet,

I wish you would please, id. Brut. 71, 248.—

With subj. pluperf., I wish you had:

vellem Idibus Martiis me ad cenam invitasses,

Cic. Fam. 12, 4, 1:

quam vellem te ad Stoicos inclinavisses,

id. Fin. 3, 3, 10:

vellem suscepisses juvenem regendum,

id. Att. 10, 6, 2:

quam vellem Bruto studium tuum navare potuisses,

id. ib. 15, 4, 5.—

With ne and pluperf. subj.:

tu vellem ne veritus esses ne parum libenter legerem tuas litteras,

Cic. Fam. 7, 33, 2.—

With ellipsis of verb: vera cantas, vana vellem (i. e. cantares). Plaut. Most. 3, 4, 41.—

With verb in third person.

With imperf. subj. (the regular construction):

patrem atque matrem viverent vellem tibi (per ecthesin, v. I. E. b.),

Plaut. Poen. 5, 2, 106:

vellem adesset Antonius, modo sine advocatis,

Cic. Phil. 1, 7, 16:

vellem nobis hoc idem vere dicere liceret,

id. Off. 3, 1, 1:

vellem adesse posset Panaetius,

id. Tusc. 1, 33, 81:

vellem hoc esset laborare,

id. Or. 2, 71, 287.—

With pluperf. subj.:

vellem aliqui ex vobis robustioribus hunc male dicendi locum suscepissent,

Cic. Cael. 3, 7:

vellem dictum esset ab eodem etiam de Dione,

id. ib. 10, 23; so id. ib. 31, 74; id. Brut. 44, 163:

quam vellem Dareus aliquid ex hac indole hausisset!

Curt. 3, 32 (12), 26.—

With inf.-clause.

With inf. pres., I wish he were:

quam non abesse ab hujus judicio L. Vulsionem vellem!

Cic. Clu. 70, 198:

nunc mihi... Vellem, Maeonide, pectus inesse tuum,

Ov. F. 2, 120.—

With perf. inf. or part., I wish he had, had been:

quam vellem Menedemum invitatum!

Ter. Heaut. 1, 2, 11:

epistulas, quas quidem vellem mihi numquam redditas,

Cic. Att. 11, 22, 1.—

With ellipsis of predicate: illud quoque vellem antea (i. e. factum, or factum esse),

Cic. Att. 11, 23, 3.—

With ut, Cic. Sull. 1, 1; id. Fam. 7, 33, 2 (v. I. C. 1. a. supra).—

With acc. of a neuter pronoun or of a noun:

aliquando sentiam us nihil nobis nisi, id quod minime vellem, spiritum reliquum esse,

Cic. Att. 9, 19, 2: tris eos libros maxime nunc vellem: apti essent ad id quod cogito, I would like to have (cf. I. E. 1. a.), id. ib. 13, 22, 2.—

In the other persons of vellem (mostly poet.).

Velles.

In optative sentences redundant, Verg. A. 11, 153 (v. II. A. 1. d.).—

Of an indefinite subject:

velles eum (Senecam) suo ingenio dixisse, alieno judicio,

Quint. 10, 1, 130.—

Vellet.

In the potential sense of vellem: vellet abesse quidem;

sed adest. Velletque videre, Non etiam sentire canum fera facta suorum,

Ov. M. 3, 247.—

Conditionally:

quis vellet tanti nuntius esse mali (i. e. if in this situation)?

Ov. H. 12, 146.—

Vellent.

In the potential sense of vellem:

quam vellent aethere in alto Nunc of pauperiem et duros perferre labores!

Verg. A. 6, 436.—

Conditionally: nec superi vellent hoc licuisse sibi, would wish, i. e. if in this situation, Mart. 4, 44, 8.

Volam and voluero.

In gen.: respiciendus erit sermo stipulationis, utrumne talis sit: quem voluero, an quem volam. Nam si talis fuerit quem voluero, cum semel elegerit, mutare voluntatem non poterit;

si vero... quem volam, donec judicium dictet, mutandi potestatem habebit,

Dig. 45, 1, 112.—

Volam in principal sentences.

= Engl. future, I shall wish, etc.:

et commeminisse hoc ego volam te,

I shall require you to recollect this, Plaut. Curc. 4, 2, 7: cum omnia habueris, tunc habere et sapientiam voles? will you also wish to have wisdom when? etc., Sen. Ep. 17, 8.—

Denoting present probability: et scilicet jam me hoc voles patrem exorare, ut, etc., you doubtless wish me, etc., Ter. Heaut. 4, 3, 27.—

In clauses dependent on predicates implying a future, generally rendered by an English present:

quid si sors aliter quam voles evenerit?

otherwise than as you wish, Plaut. Cas. 2, 5, 35:

tum te, si voles, cum patriae quod debes solveris, satis diu vixisse dicito,

then if you choose, if you will, Cic. Marcell. 9, 27:

decedes cum voles,

id. Att. 6, 3, 2:

qui magis effugies eos qui volent fingere?

those who are bent upon inventing, who will invent, falsehoods, id. ib. 8, 2, 2; cf. id. ib. 1, 1, 4; id. Verr. 2, 4, 25, § 55; id. Prov. Cons. 9, 24:

quod voles gratum esse, rarum effice,

Sen. Ben. 1, 14, 1; cf. id. Brev. Vit. 7, 9: si di volent, the gods permitting, August. ap. Suet. Calig. 8:

invenies, vere si reperire voles,

Ov. P. 3, 1, 34; cf. Hor. Ep. 1, 16, 78; Tib. 1, 4, 45.—So, voluero:

quem (locum) si qui vitare voluerit, sex milium circuitu in oppidum pervenit,

who wishes to avoid this spot, Caes. B. C. 2, 24.

Si vis, parenthetically.

If you please (cf. sis, supra init.):

paulum opperirier, Si vis,

Ter. Eun. 5, 2, 52:

audi, si vis, nunc jam,

id. Ad. 2, 1, 30:

dic, si vis, de quo disputari velis,

Cic. Tusc. 2, 5, 13.—

If you wish, choose, insist upon it:

hanc quoque jucunditatem, si vis, transfer in animum,

Cic. Fin. 2, 4, 14:

addam, si vis, animi, etc.,

id. ib. 2, 27, 89:

concedam hoc ipsum, si vis, etc.,

id. Div. 2, 15, 34.

Quam, with any person of the pres. indic. or subj., or imperf. subj. or future, = quamvis, in a concessive sense, virtually, however, however much.

3 d pers. sing.:

quod illa, quam velit sit potens, numquam impetravisset (= quamvis sit potens),

however powerful she may be, Cic. Cael. 26, 63:

C. Gracchus dixit, sibi in somnis Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto... esse pereundum,

id. Div. 1, 26, 56:

quam volet jocetur,

id. N. D. 2, 17, 46.—

1 st pers. plur.:

quam volumus licet ipsi nos amemus, tamen, etc.,

Cic. Har. Resp. 9, 19.—

2 d pers. plur.: exspectate facinus quam vultis improbum, vincam tamen, etc., expect a crime, however wicked ( ever so wicked), etc., Cic. Verr. 2, 5, 5, § 11;

but: hac actione quam voletis multi dicent,

as many as you choose, id. ib. 2, 2, 42, § 102.—

3 d pers. plur.:

quam volent illi cedant, tamen a re publica revocabuntur,

Cic. Phil. 2, 44, 113:

quam volent in conviviis faceti, dicaces, etc., sint, alia fori vis est, alia triclinii,

id. Cael. 28, 67;

but: et ceteri quam volent magnas pecunias capere possint,

as much money as they choose, id. Verr. 2, 2, 58, § 142.

Volo = malo, to prefer, with a comparative clause (rare):

quodsi in ceteris quoque studiis a multis eligere homines commodissimum quodque, quam sese uni alicui certo vellent addicere, = si se eligere mallent quam se uni addicere,

Cic. Inv. 2, 2, 5:

malae rei quam nullius duces esse volunt,

Liv. 3, 68, 11:

famaene credi velis quanta urbs a te capta sit, quam posteris quoque eam spectando esse?

id. 25, 29, 6.

With magis and maxime.

Magis velle: ut tu illam salvam magis velles quam ego, you wish more than I, etc., Ter. Hec. 2, 2, 17.—

With maxime, to wish above all, more than any thing or any one else, to be most agreeable to one, to like best, to prefer (among more than two alternatives):

quia id maxime volo ut illi istoc confugiant,

wish above all, Plaut. Most. 5, 1, 49; so id. Trin. 3, 2, 38:

maxime vellem, judices, ut P. Sulla, etc.,

Cic. Sull. 1, 1:

caritate nos capiunt reges, consilio optimates, libertate populi, ut in comparando difficile ad eligendum sit, quid maxime velis,

which you prefer, like best, id. Rep. 1, 35, 55; so, quemadmodum ego maxime vellem, id. Att. 13, 1, 1:

tris eos libros maxime nunc vellem,

above all others, id. ib. 13, 32, 2:

alia excusanti juveni, alia recipienti futura, ita ut maxime vellet senatus responderi placuit,

as it was most agreeable to him, Liv. 39, 47:

si di tibi permisissent quo modo maxime velles experiri animum meum,

in the manner most convenient to yourself, Curt. 3, 6, 12.

In disjunctive co - ordination.

With sive... sive:

tu nunc, sive ego volo, seu nolo, sola me ut vivam facis,

whether I choose or not, Plaut. Cist. 3, 14:

itaque Campanos sive velint, sive nolint, quieturos,

Liv. 8, 2, 13.—

Without connectives.

Vis tu... vis:

congredi cum hoste liceat... vis tu mari, vis terra, vis acie, vis urbibus expugnandis experiri virtutem?

Liv. 25, 6, 22.—

Velim nolim.

Interrogatively, = utrum velim nec ne:

velit nolit scire, difficile est,

it is difficult to know whether he intends it or not, Cic. Q. Fr. 3, 8, 4.—

= seu velim seu nolim:

ut mihi, velim nolim, sit certa quaedam tuenda sententia,

whether I will or not, Cic. N. D. 1, 7, 17:

velim nolim, in cognomine Scipionum haeream necesse est,

Val. Max. 3, 7, 3:

mors interim adest, cui velis nolis vacandum est,

Sen. Brev. Vit. 8, 5:

hunc ita fundatum necesse est, velit nolit, sequatur hilaritas continua,

id. Vit. Beat. 4, 4:

velint nolint, respondendum est... beate vivere bonum non esse,

id. Ep. 117, 4:

praeterea futuri principes, velint nolint, sciant, etc.,

Plin. Pan. 20 fin. Part. and P. a.: vŏlens, entis.

As a part. proper, retaining the meaning and construction of velle, with the force of a relative or adverbial clause.

Agreeing with some member of the sentence ( poet. and in post-class. prose;

rare): neque illum... multa volentem Dicere praeterea vidit (= qui multa voluit dicere),

Verg. G. 4, 501; id. A. 2, 790:

nec me vis ulla volentem Avertet (i. e. si adhaerere foederi volo),

id. ib. 12, 203: decemviri, minuere volentes hujuscemodi violentiam... putaverunt, etc., intending ( who intended) to diminish such a violence, etc., Gell. 20, 1, 34:

Milo, experiri etiamtunc volens, an ullae sibi reliquae vires adessent... rescindere quercum conatus est,

id. 15, 16, 3:

scio quosdam testatores, efficere volentes ne servi sui umquam ad libertatem venirent, etc., hactenus scribere solitos,

Dig. 40, 4, 61:

si te volentem ad prohibendum venire, deterruerit aliquis, etc.,

ib. 43, 24, 1, § 10.—

Abl. absol. (not ante-Aug.):

ne cujus militis scripti nomen nisi ipso volente deleretur,

except with his consent, Liv. 7, 41, 4; so,

Teum ex medio cursu classem repente avertit, aut volentibus iis usurus commeatu parato hostibus, aut ipsos pro hostibus habiturus,

with their consent, id. 37, 27, 3:

ponuntque ferocia Poeni Corda, volente deo,

since the god willed it, Verg. A. 1, 303: Thrasippo supplicium a se voluntaria morte exigere volente, while he was about to inflict punishment on himself, etc., Val. Max. 5, 1, ext. 2: scire volentibus immortalibus dis an Romana virtus imperium orbis mereretur, it being the will of the gods to know, etc., Flor. 1, 13, 3 (1, 7, 3): qui sciente aut volente eo ad quem res pertinet, possessionem nanciscitur, with the knowledge and consent of the person who, etc., Dig. 41, 2, 6. —

As adj., willing, voluntary, and hence, favorably disposed (opp. invitus).

Attributively.

In the phrase cum dis volentibus, lit. with the willing or favoring gods, i. e. with the will, permission, or favor of the gods: dono ducite doque volentibu' cum magnis dis, Enn. ap. Cic. Off. 1, 12, 38 (Ann. v. 208 Vahl.):

sequere hac, mea gnata, me cum dis volentibus,

Plaut. Pers. 3, 1, 4:

cum dis volentibus quodque bene eveniat mando tibi Mani uti illaec suovetaurilia, etc.,

Cato, R. R. 141 (142).— And without cum, abl. absol.:

virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti,

Sall. J. 14, 19.—

Volenti animo.

= cupide, eagerly:

Romae plebes litteris quae de Metello ac Mario missae erant, volenti animo de ambobus acceperant,

Sall. J. 73, 3. —

On purpose, intentionally:

consilio hanc omnes animisque volentibus urbem Adferimur,

Verg. A. 7, 216.—

Predicatively.

Agreeing with the subject-nom. or subject - acc.

Voluntarily, willingly, [p. 2011] gladly (class.):

(hi) divini generis appellentur... vobisque jure et lege volentes pareant,

Cic. Univ. 11 fin.:

quas victi ab hostibus poenas metuerant, eas ipsi volentes pendere,

Sall. J. 76, 6:

quia volentes in amicitiam non veniebant,

Liv. 21, 39, 4:

si volentes ac non coacti mansissent in amicitia,

id. 24, 37, 7:

quocunque loco seu volens seu invitus constitisti,

id. 7, 40, 13:

itaque se numquam volentem parte qua posset rerum consilio gerendarum cessurum,

id. 22, 27, 9:

(virtus), quidquid evenerit, feret, non patiens tantum, sed etiam volens,

Sen. Vit. Beat. 15, 5:

non est referre gratiam quod volens acceperis nolenti reddere,

id. Ben. 4, 40, 4:

volens vos Turnus adoro,

Verg. A. 10, 677; 3, 457; 6, 146;

12, 833: date vina volentes,

id. ib. 8, 275: ipsa autem macie tenuant armenta volentes ( on purpose), id. G. 3, 129.—And referring to subjects denoting things: quos rami fructus, quos ipsa volentia rura Sponte tulere sua, carpsit ( spontaneously and willingly), Verg. G. 2, 500.—

Favorably; with propitius, favorably and kindly, referring to the gods:

precantes Jovem ut volens propitius praebeat sacra arma pro patria,

Liv. 24, 21, 10:

precantibus ut volens propitiaque urbem Romanam iniret,

id. 29, 14, 13:

in ea arce (Victoriam) sacratam, volentem propitiamque, firmam ac stabilem fore populo Romano,

id. 22, 37, 12; 1, 16, 3; 7, 26, 3; 24, 38, 8; Inscr. Orell. 2489 sq.—Parodied by Plautus:

agite, bibite, festivae fores! fite mihi volentes propitiae,

Plaut. Curc. 1, 1, 89.— Abl. absol.:

omnia diis propitiis volentibusque ea faciemus,

with the favor and help of the gods, Liv. 39, 16, 11 Weissenb. ad loc.:

si (Jovem) invocem ut dexter ac volens assit,

Quint. 4, prooem. 5.—

Agreeing with other terms of the sentence (rare): volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam devertendi oblata est, a welcome cause was offered to the consul, etc., Liv. 38, 15, 3:

quod nobis volentibus facile continget,

if we wish, Quint. 6, 2, 30:

is Ariobarzanem volentibus Armeniis praefecit,

to their satisfaction, Tac. A. 2, 4:

gemis... hominem, Urse, tuum, cui dulce volenti servitium... erat,

to whom his servitude was sweet, since he liked it, Stat. S. 2, 6, 15:

me mea virtus, etc., fatis egere volentem,

Verg. A. 8, 133:

saepe ille volentem castigabat erum,

administered kindly received rebukes, Stat. S. 2, 6, 50.—

In the phrase aliquid mihi volenti est or putatur, etc., something is welcome, acceptable to me, pleases me (= volens habeo or accipio aliquid; cf. the Gr. Humin tauta boulomenois estin, and, mihi aliquid cupienti est; v. cupio;

rare but class.): uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labos volentibus esset,

that the equalization of labor was acceptable to the soldier, Sall. J. 100, 4:

quia neque plebei militia volenti putabatur,

id. ib. 84, 3 Dietsch:

grande periculum maritumis civitatibus esse, et quibusdam volentibus novas res fore,

that to some a change of the government would be welcome, Liv. 21, 50, 10:

quibus bellum volentibus erat, probare exemplum,

Tac. Agr. 18.— Impers. with subject - inf.: ceterisque remanere et in verba Vespasiani adigi volentibus fuit, to the rest it was acceptable to remain, etc., Tac. H. 3, 43.—With subject-inf. understood:

si volentibus vobis erit, in medium profero quae... legisse memini,

Macr. S. 7, 13, 11:

si volentibus vobis erit, diem fabulis et epulis exigamus,

id. ib. 1, 7; 2, 3 fin.; 6, 6 init. —

As subst. (mostly post-Aug.).

vŏlens, entis, m., = is qui vult, in the different meanings, and often with the construction of the verb.

One who wishes:

nunc cis Hiberum castra Romana esse, arcem tutam perfugiumque novas volentibus res,

Liv. 22, 22, 11:

consulere se volentibus vacuas aures accommodavit,

Val. Max. 5, 8, 3:

quid opus libertate si volentibus luxu perire non licet,

id. 2, 9, 5:

discere meliora volentibus promptum est,

i. e. it depends on our own will to learn better things, Quint. 11, 11, 12:

nec sum in hoc sollicitus, dum res ipsa volentibus discere appareat,

to the students, id. 8, 4, 15:

mori volentibus vis adhibita vivendi,

Suet. Tib. 61.—

One who intends, is about:

juris ignorantia non prodest acquirere volentibus,

i. e. in the acquisition of property, Dig. 22, 6, 7:

si quis volentem incipere uti frui prohibuit,

one who is about to enter upon a usufruct, ib. 43, 16, 3, § 14. —

One who is willing:

non refert quid sit quod datur, nisi a volente volenti datur,

unless it is both willingly given and received, Sen. Ben. 2, 18, 8:

ducunt volentem fata, nolentem trahunt,

those willing to follow, id. Ep. 107, 11.—

One who consents:

tutiusque rati volentibus quam coactis imperitare,

to rule men with their consent, Sall. J. 102, 6:

quippe rempublicam si a volentibus nequeat ab invitis jus expetituram,

peaceably if they could, forcibly if they must, Liv. 3, 40, 4:

si quis aliam rem pro alia volenti solverit,

if one pays with the consent of the receiver, Dig. 46, 3, 46:

nulla injuria est quae in volentem fiat,

ib. 47, 10, 1, § 5.—

One who does a thing voluntarily:

pecuniam etiam a volentibus acceperant,

the contributions of money were voluntary, Vell. 2, 62, 3:

parce, puer, stimulis... (solis equi) Sponte sua properant. Labor est inhibere volentis (i. e. properare),

Ov. M. 2, 128.—

Volens = bene volens: munificus nemo habebatur nisi pariter volens, unless he was just as kindly disposed, sc. as he was liberal, Sall. J. 103, 6.—Often referring to a previously mentioned noun:

hunc cape consiliis socium et conjunge volentem,

and unite with him, since he wishes it, Verg. A. 5, 712; so may be taken Ov. M. 2, 128 (v. e).—

In the neutr. plur. (volentia) rare, always with dat., things pleasing, acceptable:

Pompeius multis suspitionibus volentia plebi facturus habebatur,

that he would do what pleased the common people, Sall. H. 4, 31 Dietsch:

haec atque talia plebi volentia fuere,

Tac. A. 15, 36 Draeg. ad loc. al.:

iique Muciano volentia rescripsere,

id. H. 3, 52.—Hence, adv.: vŏlenter, willingly, App. M. 6, p. 178, 4.

vŏlo, āvi, ātum ( part. gen. plur. volantūm, Verg. A. 6, 728; Lucr. 2, 1083), 1, v. n. [Sanscr. val-, to turn one's self, etc.; cf.: vŏlucer, vēlox, and vol- in velivolus], to fly.

Lit.: ex alto... laeva volavit avis, Enn. ap. Cic. Div. 1, 48, 107 (Ann. v. 95 Vahl.):

aves,

Lucr. 6, 742:

accipitres,

id. 4, 1010:

corvi,

id. 2, 822:

altam supra volat ardea nubem,

Verg. G. 1, 364:

volat ille per aëra magnum Remigio alarum,

id. A. 1, 300:

columbae venere volantes,

id. ib. 6, 191; Prop. 2, 30 (3, 28), 30; Juv. 8, 251:

apes,

Ov. A. A. 1, 96; cf. Plin. 10, 38, 54, § 112:

volasse eum (Antonium), non iter fecisse diceres,

Cic. Phil. 10, 5, 11.—Prov.:

sine pennis volare haud facile est,

Plaut. Poen. 4, 2, 49.—

P. a. as subst.: vŏlantes, ĭum, comm., the birds ( poet.), Lucr. 2, 1083; Verg. A. 6, 239; 6, 728.—

Transf., to fly, i. e. to move swiftly like one flying, to fleet, speed, hasten along:

i sane... vola curriculo,

Plaut. Pers. 2, 2, 17; cf.:

per summa levis volat aequora curru,

Verg. A. 5, 819:

medios volat ecce per hostes Vectus equo spumante Saces,

id. ib. 12, 650:

illa (Argo) volat,

Ov. H. 6, 66:

currus,

Verg. G. 3, 181:

axis,

id. ib. 3, 107:

nubes,

Lucr. 5, 254:

fulmina,

id. 2, 213:

tempestates,

id. 6, 612:

telum,

id. 1, 971; cf. Sall. J. 60, 2; Verg. A. 9, 698; Liv. 26, 44, 7 al.:

litterae Capuam ad Pompeium volare dicebantur,

Cic. Att. 2, 19, 3:

volat aetas,

id. Tusc. 1, 31, 76:

hora,

Sen. Hippol. 1141:

fama,

Verg. A. 3, 121:

et semel emissum volat irrevocabile verbum,

Hor. Ep. 1, 18, 71.— Poet., with inf.:

ast Erebi virgo ditem volat aethere Memphim Praecipere et Phariā venientem pellere terrā,

Val. Fl. 4, 407.

vŏlo, ōnis, m. [1. volo], a volunteer, first applied to the slaves who, after the battle at Cannæ, were enrolled upon their own expressed desire to serve (cf. Liv. 22, 57, 11; Val. Max. 7, 6, 1):

volones dicti sunt milites, qui post Cannensem cladem usque ad octo milia, cum essent servi, voluntarie se ad militiam obtulere,

Paul. Diac. p. 370:

volones, quia sponte hoc voluerunt, appellati,

Macr. S. 1, 11, 30:

vetus miles tironi, liber voloni sese exaequari sineret,

Liv. 23, 35, 6; 23, 32, 1; Capitol. Anton. Phil. 21, 6; Macr. S. 1, 11, 30.

* * *

I. with dat.

1) before, in front of (ok vóru fyrir honum borin merkin);

fyrir dyrum, before the door;

2) before one, in one’s presence;

hón nefndist fyrir þeim Gunnhildr, she told them that her name was G.;

3) for;

hann lét ryðja fyrir þeim búðina, he had the booth cleared for them, for their reception;

4) before one, in one’s way;

fjörðr varð fyrir þeim, they came to a fjord;

sitja fyrir e-m, to lie in wait for one;

5) naut. term. before, off;

liggja fyrir bryggjum, to lie off the piers;

fyrir Humru-mynni, off the Humber;

6) before, at the head of, over;

vera fyrir liði, to be over the troops;

vera fyrir máli, to lead the case;

sitja fyrir svörum, to undertake the defence;

7) of time, ago;

fyrir þrem nóttum, three nights ago;

fyrir stundu, a while ago;

fyrir löngu, long ago;

vera fyrir e-u, to forebode (of a dream);

8) before, above, superior to;

Hálfdan svarti var fyrir þeim brœðrum, H. was the foremost of the brothers;

9) denoting disadvantige, harm, suffering;

þú lætr Egil vefja öll mál fyrir þér, thou lettest E. thwart all thy affairs;

tók at eyðast fyrir herm lausa-fé, her money began to fail;

10) denoting obstacle, hindrance;

mikit gøri þer mér fyrir þessu máli, you make this case hard for me;

varð honum lítit fyrir því, it was a small matter for him;

Ásgrími þótti þungt fyrir, A. thought that things looked bad;

11) because of, for;

hon undi sér hvergri fyrir verkjum, she had no rest for pains;

fyrir hræðslu, for fear;

illa fœrt fyrir ísum, scarcely, passable for ice;

gáðu þeir eigi fyrir veiðum at fá heyjanna, because of fishing, they neglected to make hay;

fyrir því at, because, since, as;

12) against;

gæt þín vel fyrir konungi ok hans mönnum, guard thee well against the king and his men;

beiða griða Baldri fyrir alls konar háska, against all kinds of harm;

13) fyrir sér, of oneself;

mikill fyrir sér, strong, powerful;

minnstr fyrir sér, smallest, weakest;

14) denoting manner or quality, with;

hvítr fyrir hærum, while with hoary hair;

II. with acc.

1) before, in front of;

halda fyrir augu sér, to hold (one’s hands) before one’s eyes;

2) before, into the presence of;

stefna e-m fyrir dómstól, before a court;

3) over;

hlaupa fyrir björg, to leap over a precipice;

kasta fyrir borð, to throw overboard;

4) in one’s way, crossing one’s way;

ríða á leið fyrir þá, to ride in their way, so as to meet them;

5) round, off;

sigla fyrir nes, to weather a point;

6) along, all along;

fyrir endilangan Noreg, all along Norway, from one end to the other;

draga ör fyrir odd, to draw the arrow past the point;

7) of time, fyrir dag, before day;

fyrir e-s minni, before one’s memory;

8) for, on behalf of;

vil ek bjóða at fara fyrir þik, I will offer to go for thee, in thy stead;

lögvörn fyrir mál, a lawful defence for a case;

9) for, for the benefit of;

þeir skáru fyrir þá melinn, they cut the lyme-grass for them (the horses);

10) for, instead of, in place of, as;

11) for, because of (vilja Gunnar dauðan fyrir höggit);

fyrir þín orð, for thy words (intercession);

fyrir sína vinsæld, by reason of his popularity;

12) denoting value, price;

fyrir þrjár merkr, for three marks;

fyrir hvern mun, by all means, at any cost;

13) in spite of, against (giptast fyrir ráð e-s);

14) joined with adverbs ending in -an, governing acc. (fyrir austan, vestan, sunnan, norðan, útan innan, framan, handan, ofan, neðan);

fyrir austan, sunnan fjall, east, south of the fell;

fyrir neðan brú, below the bridge;

fyrir handan á, beyond the river;

fyrir innan garð, inside the fence;

III. as adverb or ellipt.

1) ahead, before, opp. to eptir;

þá var eigi hins verra eptir ván, er slíkt fór fyrir, when this came first, preceded;

2) first;

mun ek þar eptir gera sem þér gerit fyrir, I shall do to you according as you do first;

3) at hand, present, to the fore;

föng þau, er fyrir vóru, stores that were at hand;

þar var fyrir fjöldi boðsmanna, a host of guests was already present (before the bride and bridegroom came);

4) e-m verðr e-t fyrir, one takes a certain step, acts so and so;

Kolbeini varð ekki fyrir, K. was at a loss what to do;

e-t mælist vel (illa) fyrir, a thing is well (ill) spoken or reported of (kvæðit mæltist vel fyrir).

* * *

prep., in the Editions spelt differently; in MSS. this word is usually abbreviated either  (i. e. firir), or Ꝼ̆, fur͛, fvr͛ (i. e. fyrir); in some MSS. it is idiomatically spelt with i, fir͛, e. g. Arna-Magn. 382 (Bs. i. 263 sqq.); and even in the old Miracle-book Arna-Magn. 645 (Bs. i. 333 sqq.), just as ifir is written for yfir ( over); in a few MSS. it is written as a monosyllable fyr, e. g. D. I. i. 475, Mork. passim; in Kb. (Sæm.-Edda) occurs fyr telia, Vsp. I; fyr norðan, 36; fyr dyrum, Gm. 22; fyr vestan ver, Hkv. 2. 8; in other places as a dissyll. fyrir, e. g. Hm. 56, Gm. 54, Skm. 34, Ls. 15, Am. 64, Hkv. 2. 2, 19 (quoted from Bugge’s edition, see his preface, p. xvi); fyr and fyrir stand to one another in the same relation as ept to eptir, und to undir, of ( super) to yfir: this monosyllabic form is obsolete, save in the compds, where ‘for-’ is more common than ‘fyrir-;’ in some cases both forms are used, e. g. for-dæming and fyrir-dæming; in others only one, but without any fixed rule: again, the forms fyri, fyre, or fire, which are often used in Edd., are just as wrong, as if one were to say epti, undi, yfi; yet this spelling is found now and then in MSS., as, fyre, Ó. H. (facsimile); fire, Grág. Sb. ii. 288 (also facsimile): the particles í and á are sometimes added, í fur, Fms. iv. 137; í fyrir, passim; á fur, Haustl. 1. [Ulf. faur and faura; A. S. fore and for; Engl. for and fore-; Germ. für and vor; Dan. for; Swed. för; Gr. προ-; Lat. pro, prae.]

WITH DAT., chiefly without the notion of movement.

A. LOCAL:

I. before, in front of; fyrir dyrum, before the doors, at the doors, Nj. 14, Vsp. 53, Hm. 69, Edda 130; niðr f. smiðju-dyrum, Eg. 142:—ahead, úti fyrir búðinni, Nj. 181; kómusk sauðirnir upp á fjallit f. þeim, ahead of them, 27; vóru fyrir honum borin merkin, the banner was borne before him, 274; göra orð fyrir sér, to send word before one, Fms. vii. 207, Hkr. iii. 335 (Ó. H. 201, l. c., frá sér):—also denoting direction, niðri í eldinum f. sér, beneath in the fire before them, Nj. 204; þeir sá f. sér bæ mikinn, they saw before them a great building, i. e. they came to a great house, Eg. 546; öðrum f. sér ( in front) en öðrum á bak sér, Grág. i. 5.

2. before one, before one’s face, in one’s presence; úhelgaða ek Otkel f. búum, before the neighbours, Nj. 87; lýsi ek f. búum fimm, 218; lýsa e-u ( to proclaim) f. e-m, Ld. 8; hann hermdi boð öll f. Gizuri, Nj. 78; hón nefndisk f. þeim Gunnhildr, told them that her name was G., Fms. i. 8; kæra e-t f. e-m, Ó. H. 60; slíkar fortölur hafði hann f. þeim, Nj. 200; the saying, því læra börnin málið að það er f. þeim haft, bairns learn to speak because it is done before them, i. e. because they hear it; hafa gott (íllt) f. e-m, to give a good (bad) example, e. g. in the presence of children; lifa vel f. Guði, to live well before God, 623. 29; stór ábyrgðar-hluti f. Guði, Nj. 199; sem þeir sjá réttast f. Guði, Grág. i. (pref.); fyrir öllum þeim, Hom. 89; á laun f. öðrum mönnum, hidden from other men, unknown to them, Grág. i. 337, Jb. 378; nú skaltú vera vin minn mikill f. húsfreyju minni, i. e. when you talk to my wife, Nj. 265; fyrir Drottni, before the Lord, Merl. 2. 78.

3. denoting reception of guests, visitors; hann lét ryðja f. þeim búðina, he had the room cleared for them, for their reception, Nj. 228; Valhöll ryðja fyr vegnu fólki, i. e. to clear Valhalla for slain folk, Em. I; ryðja vígvöll f. vegundum, Nj. 212; ljúka upp f. e-m, to open the door for one, Fms. xi. 323, Stj. 5; rýma pallinn f. þeim, Eg. 304; hann lét göra eld f. þeim, he had a fire made for them, 204; þeir görðu eld. f. sér, Fms. xi. 63; … veizlur þar sem fyrir honum var búit, banquets that were ready for him, Eg. 45.

II. before one, in one’s way; þar er díki varð f. þeim, Eg. 530; á (fjörðr) varð f. þeim, a river, fjord, was before them, i. e. they came to it, 133, 161; at verða eigi f. liði yðru, 51; maðr sá varð f. Vindum, that man was overtaken by the V., Hkr. iii. 363; þeirra manna er f. honum urðu, Eg. 92.

2. sitja f. e-m, to lie in wait for one, Ld. 218, Nj. 107; lá f. henni í skóginum, Edda (pref.); sitja f. rekum, to sit watching for wrecks, Eg. 136 (fyrir-sát).

3. ellipt., menn urðu at gæta sín er f. urðu, Nj. 100; Egill var þar f. í runninum, E. was before (them), lay in ambush, Eg. 378; hafði sá bana er f. varð, who was before (the arrow), i. e. he was hit, Nj. 8.

4. verða f. e-u, to be hit, taken, suffer from a thing; ef hann verðr f. drepi, if he be struck, Grág. ii. 19; verða f. áverka, to be wounded, suffer injury, Ld. 140; verða f. reiði konungs, to fall into disgrace with the king, Eg. 226; verða f. ósköpum, to become the victim of a spell, spell-bound, Fas. i. 130; sitja f. hvers manns ámæli, to be the object of all men’s blame, Nj. 71; vera eigi f. sönnu hafðr, to be unjustly charged with a thing, to be innocent.

III. a naut. term, before, off; liggja f. bryggjum, to lie off the pier, Ld. 166; skip fljóta f. strengjum, Sks. 116; þeir lágu f. bænum, they lay off the town, Bs. i. 18; liggja úti f. Jótlands-síðu, off Jutland, Eg. 261; hann druknaði f. Jaðri, off the J., Fms. i. II; þeir kómu at honum f. Sjólandi, off Zealand, x. 394; hafa úti leiðangr f. landi, Hkr. i. 301; f. Humru-minni, off the Humber, Orkn. 338, cp. Km. 3, 8, 9, 13, 19, 21; fyrir Nesjum, off the Ness, Vellekla; fyrir Tungum, Sighvat; fyrir Spáni, off Spain, Orkn. 356.

IV. before, at the head of, denoting leadership; smalamaðr f. búi föður síns, Ver. 26 (of king David); vera f. liði, to be over the troops, Eg. 292, Nj. 7; vera f. máli, to lead the case, Band. 8; vera forstjóri f. búi, to be steward over the household, Eg. 52; ráða f. landi, ríki, etc., to rule, govern, Ó H. 33, Nj. 5; hverr f. eldinum réði, who was the ringleader of the fire, Eg. 239; ráða f. e-u, to rule, manage a thing, passim: the phrase, sitja f. svörum, to respond on one’s behalf, Ölk. 36, Band. 12; hafa svör f. e-m, to be the chief spokesman, Fms. x. 101, Dipl. v. 26.

V. special usages; friða f. e-m, to make peace for one, Fms. vii. 16, Bs. i. 65; bæta f. e-m, to make things good for one, Hom. 109; túlka, vera túlkr, flytja (etc.) f. e-m, to plead for one, Fms. iii. 33, Nj. 128,—also spilla f. e-m, to disparage one, Eg. 255; haga, ætla f. e-u, to manage, arrange for one, Ld. 208, Sturl. i. 14, Boll. 356; rífka ráð f. e-m, to better one’s condition, Nj. 21; ráða heiman-fylgju ok tilgjöf f. frændkonu sinni, Js. 58; standa f. manni, to stand before, shield a man, stand between him and his enemy, Eg. 357, Grág. ii. 13; vera skjöldr f. e-m, 655 xxxii. 4; hafa kostnað f. e-u, to have the expences for a thing, Ld. 14; vinna f. e-m, to support one by one’s work, Sks. 251; starfa f. fé sínu, to manage one’s money, Ld. 166; hyggja f. e-u, to take heed for a thing, Nj. 109; hyggja f. sér, Fs. 5; hafa forsjá f. e-m, to provide for one, Ld. 186; sjá f. e-u, to see after, Eg. 118, Landn, 152; sjá þú nokkut ráð f. mér, Nj. 20: ironic. to put at rest, Háv. 40: ellipt., sjá vel f., to provide well for, Nj. 102.

B. TEMP. ago; fyrir þrem nóttum, three nights ago; fyrir stundu, a while ago, Nj. 80; fyrir litlu, a little while ago, Fms. i. 76, Ld. 134; fyrir skömmu, a sbort while ago; fyrir löngu, a long while ago, Nj. 260, Fms. i. 50; fyrir öndverðu, from the beginning, Grág. i. 80, ii. 323, 394, Finnb. 342; fyrir þeim, before they were born, Fms. i. 57.

2. the phrase, vera f. e-u, to forebode; vera f. stórfundum, Nj. 107, 277; þat hygg ek vera munu f. siða-skipti, Fms. xi. 12; þessi draumr mun vera f. kvámu nökkurs manns, vii. 163; dreyma draum f. e-u, 8; fyrir tiðendum, ii. 65:—spá f. e-m, to ‘spae’ before, prophecy to one, Nj. 171.

C. METAPH.:

I. before, above; þóttu þeir þar f. öllum ungum mönnum, Dropl. 7; þykkisk hann mjök f. öðrum mönnum, Ld. 38; ver f. hirðmönnum, be first among my herdsmen, Eg. 65; Hálfdan svarti var f. þeim bræðrum, H. was the foremost of the brothers, Fms. i. 4; þorgrímr var f. sonum Önundar, Grett. 87; var Haraldr mest f. þeim at virðingu, Fms. i. 47.

II. denoting help, assistance; haun skal rétta vættið f. þeim, Grág. i. 45 (vide above A. IV and V).

2. the following seem to be Latinisms, láta lífit f. heilagri Kristni, to give up one’s life for holy Christianity, = Lat. pro, Fms. vii. 172; ganga undir píslir fyrir Guðs nafni, Blas. 38; gjalda önd mína f. önd þinni, Johann. 17; gefa gjöf f. sál sinni ( pro animâ suâ), H. E. i. 466; fyrir mér ok minni sál, Dipl. iv. 8; færa Guði fórnir f. e-m, 656 A; heita f. e-m, biðja f. e-m, to make a vow, pray for one (orare pro), Fms. iii. 48, Bs. i. 70; biðja f. mönnum, to intercede for, 19, Fms. xi. 287: even with a double construction, biðja f. stað sinn (acc., which is vernacular) ok heilagri kirkju (dat., which is a Latinism), x. 127.

III. denoting disadvantage, harm, suffering; þú lætr Egil vefja öll mál fyrir þér, thou lettest Egil thwart all thy affairs, Eg. 249; únýtir hann þá málit fyrir sér, then he ruins his own case, Grág. i. 36, Dropl. 14, 16; Manverjar rufu safnaðinn f. Þorkatli, the Manxmen broke up the assembly, i. e. forsook Thorkel, Fms. ix. 422; kom upp grátr f. henni, she burst into tears, 477; taka fé f. öðrum, to take another’s money, N. G. L. i. 20; knörr þann er konungr lét taka fyrir Þórólfi, Landn. 56; ef hross verðr tekit f. honum, if a horse of his be taken, Grág. i. 436; hann tók upp fé fyrir öllum, he seized property for them all, Ó. H. 60; e-t ferr ílla f. e-m, a thing turns out ill for one; svá fór f. Ólófu, so it came to pass for O., Vígl. 18; loka dyrr f. e-m, to lock the door in one’s face, Edda 21: þeir hafa eigi þessa menn f. yðr drepit, heldr f. yðrar sakir þessi víg vegit, i. e. they have not harmed you, but rather done you a service in slaying those men, Fbr. 33; tók at eyðask f. henni lausa-fé, her money began to fail, Nj. 29; rak á f. þeim storma ok stríðviðri, they were overtaken by gales and bad weather, Vígl. 27; Víglundr rak út knöttinn f. Jökli, V. drove the ball for J., i. e. so that he had to run after it, 24; sá er skar tygil f. Þóri, he who cut Thor’s line, Bragi; sverð brast f. mér, my sword broke, Korm. 98 (in a verse); brjóta e-t f. e-m, to break a thing for one, Bs. i. 15 (in a verse); Valgarðr braut krossa fyrir Merði ok öll heilög tákn, Nj. 167; árin brotnaði f. honum, his oar broke; allar kýrnar drápust fyrir honum, all his cows died.

2. denoting difficulty, hindrance; sitja f. sæmd e-s, to sit between oneself and one’s honour, i. e. to hinder one’s doing well, Sturl. 87; mikit göri þér mér f. þessu máli, you make this case sore for me, Eb. 124; þér er mikit f. máli, thy case stands ill, Fms. v. 325; ekki er Guði f. því, it is easy for God to do, 656 B. 9; varð honum lítið f. því, it was a small matter for him, he did it easily, Grett. III; mér er minna f. því, it is easier for me, Am. 60; þykkja mikit f. e-u, to be much grieved for a thing, do it unwillingly, Nj. 77; Icel. also say, þykja fyrir (ellipt.), to feel hurt, be displeased:—ellipt., er þeim lítið fyrir at villa járnburð þenna, it is a small matter for them to spoil this ordeal, Ó. H. 140; sem sér muni lítið f. at veiða Gunnar, Nj. 113; fast mun f. vera, it will be fast-fixed before (one), hard to move, Ld. 154; Ásgrími þótti þungt f., A. thought that things looked sad (heavy), Nj. 185; hann var lengi f., he was long about it, Fms. x. 205; hann var lengi f. ok kvað eigi nei við, he was cross and said not downright no, Þorf. Karl. 388.

IV. in a causal sense, for, because of, Lat. per, pro; sofa ek né mákat fugls jarmi fyrir, I cannot sleep for the shrill cry of birds, Edda 16 (in a verse); hon undi sér hvergi f. verkjum, she had no rest for pains, Bjarn. 69; fyrir gráti, tárum, = Lat. prae lacrymis; fyrir harmi, for sorrow; f. hlátri, for laughter, as in Engl.; þeir æddust f. einni konu, they went mad for the sake of one woman, Sól. 11; ílla fært f. ísum, scarce passable for ice, Fms. xi. 360; hætt var at sitja útar f. Miðgarðs-ormi, Edda 35; hann var lítt gengr f. sárinu, he could hardly walk for the wound, Fbr. 178; fyrir hræðslu, for fear, Hbl. 26; heptisk vegrinn f. þeim meinvættum sem …, Fs. 4; gáðu þeir eigi f. veiðum at fá heyjanna, because of fishing they took no care to make hay, Landn. 30; fyrir riki konungs, for the king’s power, Eg. 67, 117; fyrir ofríki manna, Grág. i. 68; fyrir hví, for why? Eluc. 4; fyrir hví þeir væri þar, Eg. 375; fyrir því, at …, for that, because, Edda 35, Fms. i. 22, vii. 330, Ld. 104; en fyrir því nú at, now since, Skálda 171; nú fyrir því at, id., 169: the phrase, fyrir sökum, for the sake of, because of, passim; vide sök.

V. by, by the force of; öxlin gékk ór liði fyrir högginu, the shoulder was disjointed by the force of the stroke, Háv. 52.

2. denoting contest; falla f. e-m, to fall before one, i. e. fighting against one, Fms. i. 7, iv. 9, x. 196; verða halloki f. e-m, to be overcome in fighting one, Ld. 146; látask f. e-m, to perish by one, Eb. 34; hafa bana f. e-m, to be slain by one, Nj. 43; þeir kváðu fá fúnað hafa f. honum, 263; mæddisk hann f. þeim, he lost his breath in fighting them, Eg. 192; láta ríki f. e-m, to lose the kingdom before another, i. e. so that the latter gains it, 264; láta lausar eignir mínar f. þér, 505; láta hlut sinn f. e-m, Fs. 47; standask f. e-m, to stand one’s ground before one, Edda (pref.); hugðisk hann falla mundu f. sjóninni einni saman, that he would sink before his glance, 28, Hým. 12; halda hlut f. e-m, Ld. 54; halda frið ok frelsi f. várum óvinum, Fms. viii. 219; fara mun ek sem ek hefi áðr ætlað f. þínum draum ( thy dream notwithstanding), Ld. 216; þér farit hvárt er þér vilit f. mér, you go wherever you like for me, so far as I am concerted, Fær. 37; halda vöku f. sér, to keep oneself awake, Fms. i. 216.

β. with verbs, flýja, hlaupa, renna, stökkva f. e-m, to fly, leap, run before one, i. e. to be pursued, Bs. i. 774, Grág. ii. 359; at hann rynni f. þrælum hans, Ld. 64; fyrir þessum úfriði stökk Þangbrandr til Noregs, 180; skyldi hann ganga ór á f. Hofsmönnum, Landn. 178; ganga f. e-u, to give way before, yield to a thing, Fms. i. 305, x. 292; vægja f. e-m, to yield to one, give way, Eg. 21, 187, Nj. 57, Ld. 234.

VI. against; verja land f. e-m, Eg. 32; verja landit f. Dönum ok öðrum víkingum, Fms. i. 23; til landvarnar f. víkingum, Eg. 260; landvarnar-maðr f. Norðmönnum, Fms. vi. 295; gæta brúarinnar f. bergrisum, Edda 17; gæt þín vel f. konungi ok hans mönnum, guard thee well against the king and his men, Eg. 113; góð aðstoð f. tröllum ok dvergum, Bárð. 163; beiða Baldri griða f. allskonar háska, Edda 36; auðskæðr f. höggum, Eg. 770.

VII. in the sense of being driven before; fyrir straumi, veðri, vindi, before the stream, wind, weather (forstreymis, forvindis), Grág. ii. 384, Fms. vii. 262; halda f. veðri, to stand before the wind, Róm. 211.

2. rýrt mun verða f. honum smá-mennit, he will have an easy game with the small people, Nj. 94: ellipt., hafði sá bana er f. varð, 8; sprakk f., 16, 91.

VIII. fyrir sér, of oneself, esp. of physical power; mikill f. sér, strong, powerful; lítill f. sér, weak, feeble, Nj. 20, Ísl. ii. 368, Eg. 192; þér munuð kalla mik lítinn mann f. mér, Edda 33; minnstr f. sér, smallest, weakest, Eg. 123; gildr maðr f. sér, Ísl. ii. 322, Fms. ii. 145; herðimaðr mikiil f. sér, a hardy man, Nj. 270; hvat ert þú f. þér, what kind of fellow art thou? Clem. 33; vera einn f. sér, to be a strange fellow, Grett. 79 new Ed.; Icel. also say, göra mikið (lítið) f. sér, to make oneself big ( little).

β. sjóða e-t f. sér, to hesitate, saunter, Nj. 154; mæla f. munni, to talk between one’s teeth, to mutter, Orkn. 248, Nj. 249.

IX. denoting manner or quality; hvítr f. hærum, white with hoary hairs, Fms. vi. 95, Fas. ii. 540; gráir fyrir járnum, grey with steel, of a host in armour, Mag. 5; hjölt hvít f. silfri, a hilt white with silver = richly silvered, Eb. 226.

X. as adverb or ellipt.,

1. ahead, in front, = á undan, Lat. prae, opp. to eptir; þá var eigi hins verra eptir ván, er slíkt fór fyrir, as this came first, preceded, Nj. 34; at einhverr mundi fara heim fyrir, that some one would go home first (to spy), Eg. 580; Egill fór f., E. went in before, id.; at vér ríðim þegar f. í nótt, 283.

β. first; hann stefndi f. málinu, en hann mælti eptir, one pronounced the words first, but the other repeated after him, Nj. 35; mun ek þar eptir göra sem þér gerit f., I shall do to you according as you do first, 90:—temp., sjau nóttum f., seven nights before, Grág. ii. 217.

2. to the fore, at hand, present; þar var fyrir fjöldi boðsmanna, a host of guests was already to the fore, i. e. before the bride and bridegroom came, Nj. 11; úvíst er at vita hvar úvinir sitja á fleti fyrir, Hm. 1; skal þá lögmaðr þar f. vera, he shall be there present, Js. 3; heima í túni fyrir, Fær. 50; þar vóru fyrir Hildiríðar-synir, Eg. 98; var honum allt kunnigt fyrir, he knew all about the localities, 583; þeim ómögum, sem f. eru, who are there already, i. e. in his charge, Grág. i. 286: of things, föng þau er f. vóru, stores that were to the fore, at hand, Eg. 134.

3. fore, opp. to ‘back,’ of clothes; slæður settar f. allt gullknöppum, Eg. 516; bak ok fyrir, back and front, = bak ok brjóst, Mar.

XI. in the phrase, e-m verðr e-t fyrir, a thing is before one, i. e. one takes that and that step, acts so and so in an emergency; nú verðr öðrum þeirra þat f., at hann kveðr, now if the other part alleges, that …, Grág. i. 362; Kolbeini varð ekki f., K. had no resource, i. e. lost his head, Sturl. iii. 285:—the phrase, e-t mælisk vel (ílla) fyrir, a thing is well ( ill) reported of; víg Gunnars spurðisk ok mæltisk ílla fyrir um allar sveitir, Nj. 117, Sturl. ii. 151; mun þat vel f. mælask, people will like it well, Nj. 29, Þórð. 55 new Ed.; ílla mun þat f. mælask at ganga á sættir við frændr sína, Ld. 238; ok er lokit var, mæltisk kvæðit vel f., the people praised the poem, Fms. vii. 113.

XII. in special senses, either as prep. or adv. (vide A. V. above); segja leið f. skipi, to pilot a ship, Eg. 359; segja f. skipi, to say a prayer for a new ship or for any ship going to sea, Bs. i. 774, Fms. x. 480; mæla f. e-u, to dictate, Grág. ii. 266; mæla f. minni, to bring out a toast, vide minni; mæla f. sætt, i. 90; skipa, koma e-u f., to arrange, put right; ætla f. e-u, to make allowance for; trúa e-m f. e-u, to entrust one with; það fer mikið f. e-u (impers.), it is of great compass, bulky; hafa f. e-u, to have trouble with a thing; leita f. sér, to enquire; biðjask f., to say one’s prayers, vide biðja; mæla fyrir, segja f., etc., to order, Nj. 103, Js. 3: of a spell or solemn speaking, hann mælti svá f., at …, Landn. 34; spyrjask f., to enquire, Hkr. ii. 333; búask f., to prepare, make arrangement, Landn. 35, Sks. 551; skipask f., to draw up, Nj. 197; leggjask f., to lie down in despair, Bs. i. 194; spá fyrir, to ‘spae’ before, foretell; þeir menn er spá f. úorðna hluti, Fms. i. 96; segja f., to foretell, 76, Bb. 332; Njáll hefir ok sagt f. um æfi hans, Nj. 102; vita e-t f., to ‘wit’ beforehand, know the future, 98; sjá e-t f., to foresee, 162; ef þat er ætlat f., fore-ordained, id.

WITH ACC., mostly with the notion of movement.

A. LOCAL:

I. before, in front of; fyrir dyrrin, Nj. 198; láta síga brýnn f. brár, Hkv. Hjörv. 19; halda f. augu sér, to hold (one’s hands) before one’s eyes, Nj. 132; leggja sverði fyrir brjóst e-m, to thrust a sword into his breast, 162, Fs. 39.

2. before one, before a court; stefna e-m f. dómstól, Fms. xi. 444; ganga, koma f. e-n, to go, come before one, Fms. i. 15, Eg. 426, Nj. 6, 129, passim; fyrir augu e-s, before one’s eyes, Stj. 611.

3. before, so as to shield; hann kom skildinum f. sik, he put the shield before him, Nj. 97, 115; halda skildi f. e-n, a duelling term, since the seconder had to hold one’s shield, Ísl. ii. 257.

4. joined to adverbs such as fram, aptr, út, inn, ofan, niðr, austr, vestr, suðr, norðr, all denoting direction; fram f., forward; aptr f., backward, etc.; hann reiddi öxina fram f. sik, a stroke forward with the axe, Fms. vii. 91; hann hljóp eigi skemra aptr en fram fyrir sik, Nj. 29; þótti honum hann skjóta brandinum austr til fjallanna f. sik, 195; komask út f. dyrr, to go outside the door, Eg. 206:—draga ofan f. brekku, to drag over the hill, Ld. 220; hrinda f. mel ofan, to thrust one over the gravel bank, Eg. 748; hlaupa f. björg, to leap over a precipice, Eb. 62, Landn. 36; elta e-n f. björg, Grág. ii. 34; hlaupa (kasta) f. borð, to leap ( throw) overboard, Fms. i. 178, Hkr. iii. 391, Ld. 226; síga ( to be hauled) niðr f. borgar-vegg, 656 C. 13, Fms. ix. 3; hlaupa niðr f. stafn, Eg. 142; niðr f. skaflinn, Dropl. 25; fyrir brekku, Orkn. 450, Glúm. 395 (in a verse).

II. in one’s way, crossing one’s way; þeir stefndu f. þá, Fms. ix. 475; ríða á leið f. þá, to ride in their way, so as to meet them, Boll. 348; hlaupa ofan f. þá, Nj. 153; vóru allt komin f. hann bréf, letters were come before him, in his way, Fms. vii. 207; þeir felldu brota f. hann, viz. they felled trees before him, so as to stop him, viii. 60, ix. 357; leggja bann f. skip, to lay an embargo on a ship, Ld. 166.

III. round, off a point; fyrir nesit, Nj. 44; út f. Holm, out past the Holm, Fms. vii. 356: esp. as a naut. term, off a point on the shore, sigla f. England, Norðyrnbraland, Þrasnes, Spán, to sail by the coast of, stand off England, Northumberland, … Spain, Orkn. 338, 340, 342, 354; fyrir Yrjar, Fms. vii. (in a verse); fyrir Siggju, Aumar, Lista, Edda 91 (in a verse); er hann kom f. Elfina, when be came off the Gotha, Eg. 80; leggja land f. skut, to lay the land clear of the stern, i. e. to pass it, Edda l. c.; göra frið f. land sitt, to pacify the land from one end to another, Ld. 28; fyrir uppsprettu árinnar, to come to ( round) the sources of the river, Fms. iii. 183; fyrir garðs-enda, Grág. ii. 263; girða f. nes, to make a wall across the ness, block it up, cp. Lat. praesepire, praemunire, etc., Grág. ii. 263; so also binda f. op, poka, Lat. praeligare, praestringere; hlaða f. gat, holu, to stop a hole, opening; greri f. stúfinn, the stump (of the arm or leg) was healed, closed, Nj. 275; skjóta slagbrandi f. dyrr, to shoot a bolt before the door, to bar it, Dropl. 29; láta loku (lás) f. hurð, to lock a door, Gísl. 28; setja innsigli f. bréf, to set a seal to a letter, Dipl. i. 3: ellipt., setr hón þar lás fyrir, Ld. 42, Bs. i. 512.

2. along, all along; f. endilanga Danmörk, f. endilangan Noreg, all along Denmark, Norway, from one end to the other, Fms. iv. 319, xi. 91, Grett. 97:—öx álnar f. munn, an axe with an ell-long edge, Ld. 276; draga ör f. ödd, to draw the arrow past the point, an archer’s term, Fms. ii. 321.

IV. with verbs, fyrir ván komit, one is come past hope, all hope is gone, Sturl. i. 44, Hrafn. 13, Fms. ii. 131; taka f. munn e-m, to stop one’s mouth; taka f. háls, kverkar, e-m, to seize one by the throat, etc.; taka mál f. munn e-m, ‘verba alicujus praeripere,’ to take the word out of one’s mouth, xi. 12; taka f. hendr e-m, to seize one’s hands, stop one in doing a thing, Eb. 124; mod., taka fram f. hendrnar á e-m.

B. TEMP.: fyrir dag, before day, Eg. 80; f. miðjan dag, Ld. 14; f. sól, before sunrise, 268; f. sólar-lag, before sunset; f. miðjan aptan, Nj. 192; f. náttmál, 197; f. óttu, Sighvat; f. þinglausnir, Ölk. 37; f. Jól, Nj. 269; f. fardaga, Grág. ii. 341; viku f. sumar, 244; f. mitt sumar, Nj. 138; litlu f. vetr, Eg. 159; f. vetrnætr, Grág. ii. 217; f. e-s minni, before one’s memory, Íb. 16.

C. METAPH.:

I. above, before; hann hafdi mest fyrir aðra konunga hraustleikinn, Fms. x. 372.

II. for, on behalf of; vil ek bjóða at fara f. þik, I will go for thee, in thy stead, Nj. 77; ganga í skuld f. e-n, Grág. i. 283; Egill drakk … ok svá f. Ölvi, Eg. 210; kaupa e-t f. e-n, Nj. 157; gjalda gjöld f. e-n, Grág. i. 173; verja, sækja, sakir f. e-n, Eg. 504; hvárr f. sik, each for oneself, Dipl. v. 26; sættisk á öll mál f. Björn, Nj. 266; tók sættir f. Björn, Eg. 168; svara f. e-t, Fms. xi. 444; hafa til varnir f. sik, láta lýrit, lög-vörn koma f.; færa vörn f. sik, etc.; verja, sækja sakir f. sik, and many similar law phrases, Grág. passim; biðja konu f. e-n, to woo a lady for another, Fms. x. 44; fyrir mik, on my behalf, for my part, Gs. 16; lögvörn f. mál, a lawful defence for a case, Nj. 111; hafa til varnar f. sök, to defend a case, Grág. i. 61; halda skiladómi f. e-t, Dipl. iv. 8; festa lög f. e-t, vide festa.

III. in a distributive sense; penning f. mann, a penny per man, K. Þ. K. 88; fyrir nef hvert, per nose = per head, Lv. 89, Fms. i. 153, Ó. H. 141; hve f. marga menn, for how many men, Grág. i. 296; fyrir hverja stiku, for each yard, 497.

IV. for, for the benefit of; brjóta brauð f. hungraða, Hom. 75; þeir skáru f. þá melinn, they cut the straw for them (the horses), Nj. 265; leggja kostnað f. e-n, to defray one’s costs, Grág. i. 341.

V. for, instead of; hann setti sik f. Guð, Edda (pref.); hafa e-n f. Guð (Lat. pro Deo), Stj. 73, Barl. 131; geta, fá, kveðja mann f. sik, to get a man as one’s delegate or substitute, Grág. i. 48 passim; þeir höfðu vargstakka f. brynjur, Fs. 17; manna-höfuð vóru f. kljána, Nj. 275; gagl f. gás ok grís f. gamalt svín, Ó. H. 86; rif stór f. hlunna, Háv. 48; buðkr er f. húslker er hafðr, Vm. 171; auga f. auga, tönn f. tönn, Exod. xxi. 24; skell f. skillinga, Þkv. 32.

VI. because of, for; vilja Gunnar dauðan fyrir höggit, Nj. 92, Fms. v. 162; eigi f. sakleysi, not without ground, i. 302; fyrir hvat (why, for what) stefndi Gunnarr þeim til úhelgi? Nj. 101; ok urðu f. þat sekir, Landn. 323; hafa ámæli f. e-t, Nj. 65, passim.

2. in a good sense, for one’s sake, for one; fyrir þín orð, for thy words, intercession, Ísl. ii. 217; vil ek göra f. þín orð, Ld. 158, Nj. 88; fyrir sína vinsæld, by his popularity, Fms. i. 259: the phrase, fyrir e-s sök, for one’s sake, vide sök: in swearing, a Latinism, fyrir trú mína, by my faith! (so in Old Engl. ‘fore God), Karl. 241; fyrir þitt líf, Stj. 514; ek særi þik f. alla krapta Krists ok manndóm þinn, Nj. 176. VII. for, at, denoting value, price; fyrir þrjár merkr, for three marks, Eg. 714; er sik leysti út f. þrjú hundruð marka, Fms. ix. 421; ganga f. hundrað, to pass or go for a hundred, D. I. i. 316:—also of the thing bought, þú skalt reiða f. hana þrjár merkr, thou shall pay for her three marks, Ld. 30; fyrir þik skulu koma mannhefndir, Nj. 57; bætr f. víg, Ísl. ii. 274; bætr f. mann, Eg. 259, passim; fyrir áverka Þorgeirs kom legorðs-sökin, Nj. 101:—so in the phrase, fyrir hvern mun, by all means, at any cost; fyrir öngan mun, by no means, Fms. i. 9, 157, Gþl. 531:—hafði hverr þeirra mann f. sik, eða tvá …, each slew a man or more for himself, i. e. they sold their lives dearly, Ó. H. 217.

2. ellipt., í staðinn f., instead of, Grág. i. 61; hér vil ek bjóða f. góð boð, Nj. 77; taka umbun f., Fms. vii. 161; svara slíku f. sem …, Boll. 350; þér skulut öngu f. týna nema lífinu, you shall lose nothing less than your head, Nj. 7.

VIII. by means of, by, through; fyrir þat sama orð, Stj.; fyrir sína náttúru, Fms. v. 162; fyrir messu-serkinn, iii. 168; fyrir þinn krapt ok frelsis-hönd, Pass. 19. 12; svikin f. orminn, by the serpent, Al. 63,—this use of fyrir seems to be a Latinism, but is very freq. in eccl. writings, esp. after the Reformation, N. T., Pass., Vídal.; fyrir munn Davíðs, through the mouth of David, etc.:—in good old historical writings such instances are few; þeir hlutuðu f. kast ( by dice), Sturl. ii. 159.

IX. in spite of, against; fyrir vilja sinn, N. G. L. i. 151; fyrir vitorð eðr vilja e-s, against one’s will or knowledge, Grág. ii. 348; kvángask (giptask) f. ráð e-s, i. 177, 178, Þiðr. 190; nú fara menn f. bann ( in spite of an embargo) landa á milli, Gþl. 517; hann gaf henni líf f. framkvæmd farar, i. e. although she had not fulfilled her journey ( her vow), Fms. v. 223; fyrir várt lof, vi. 220; fyrir allt þat, in spite of all that, Grett. 80 new Ed.; fyrir ráð fram, heedlessly; fyrir lög fram, vide fram.

X. denoting capacity, in the same sense as ‘at,’ C. II, p. 27, col. 1; scarcely found in old writers (who use ‘at’), but freq. in mod. usage, thus, eigi e-n f. vin, to have one for a friend, in old writers ‘at vin;’ hafa e-n f. fífl, fól, to make sport of one.

2. in old writers some phrases come near to this, e. g. vita f. vist, to know for certain, Dipl. i. 3; vita f. full sannindi, id., ii. 16; hafa f. satt, to take for sooth, believe, Nj. 135; koma f. eitt, to come ( turn) all to one, Lv. 11, Nj. 91, Fms. i. 208; koma f. ekki, to come to naught, be of no avail, Ísl. ii. 215; fyrir hitt mun ganga, it will turn the other way, Nj. 93; fyrir hann er einskis örvænt orðs né verks, from him everything may be expected, Ísl. ii. 326; hafa e-s víti f. varnað, to have another’s faults for warning, Sól. 19.

XI. joined with adverbs ending in -an, fyrir austan, vestan, sunnan, norðan, útan, innan, framan, handan, ofan, neðan, either with a following acc. denoting. direction, thus, fyrir austan, sunnan … fjall, east, south of the fell, i. e. on the eastern, southern side; fyrir neðan brú, below the bridge; fyrir útan fjall = Lat. ultra; fyrir innan fjall = Lat. infra; fyrir handan á, beyond the river; fyrir innan garð, inside the yard; fyrir ofan garð, above, beyond the yard, etc.; vide these adverbs:—used adverb., fyrir sunnan, in the south; fyrir vestan, in the west; fyrir norðan, in the north; fyrir austan, in the east,—current phrases in Icel. to mark the quarters of the country, cp. the ditty in Esp. Árb. year 1530; but not freq. in old writers, who simply say, norðr, suðr …, cp. Kristni S. ch. 1: absol. and adverb., fyrir ofan, uppermost; fyrir handan, on the other side:—fyrir útan e-t, except, save, Anal. 98, Vkv. 8; fyrir fram, vide fram.

☞ For- and fyrir- as prefixes, vide pp. 163–167 and below:

I. fore-, for-, meaning before, above, in the widest sense, local, temp., and metaph. furthering or the like, for-dyri, for-nes, for-ellri, for-beini, etc.

β. before, down, for-brekkis, -bergis, -streymis, -vindis, -viðris, etc.

2. in an intens. sense = before others, very, but not freq.; for-dyld, -góðr, -hagr, -hraustr, -kostuligr, -kuðr, -lítill, -ljótr, -prís, -ríkr, -snjallr.

II. (cp. fyrir, acc., C. IX), in a neg. or priv. sense; a few words occur even in the earliest poems, laws, and writers, e. g. for-að, -átta, -dæða, -nám, -næmi, -sending, -sköp, -verk, -veðja, -viða, -vitni, -ynja, -yrtir; those words at least seem to be original and vernacular: at a later time more words of the same kind crept in:

1. as early as writers of the 13th and 14th centuries, e. g. for-boð, -bænir, -djarfa, -dæma (fyrir-dæma), -taka (fyrir-taka), -þóttr; fyrir-bjóða, -fara, -göra, -koma, -kunna, -líta, -muna, -mæla, -vega, -verða.

2. introduced in some words at the time of the Reformation through Luther’s Bible and German hymns, and still later in many more through Danish, e. g. for-brjóta, -drífa, -láta, -líkast, -merkja, -nema, -sorga, -sóma, -standa, -svara, -þénusta, and several others; many of these, however, are not truly naturalised, being chiefly used in eccl. writings:—it is curious that if the pronoun be placed after the verb (which is the vernacular use in Icel.) the sense is in many cases reversed; thus, fyrir-koma, to destroy, but koma e-u fyrir can only mean to arrange; so also fyrir-mæla, to curse, and mæla fyrir, to speak for; for-bænir, but biðja fyrir e-m, etc.; in the latter case the sense is good and positive, in the former bad and negative; this seems to prove clearly that these compds are due to foreign influence.

   1) All Human Complex Problem Solving Is Creativity

   Put in this bald way, these aims sound utopian. How utopian they areor rather, how imminent their realization-depends on how broadly or narrowly we interpret the term "creative." If we are willing to regard all human complex problem solving as creative, then-as we will point out-successful programs for problem solving mechanisms that simulate human problem solvers already exist, and a number of their general characteristics are known. If we reserve the term "creative" for activities like discovery of the special theory of relativity or the composition of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony, then no example of a creative mechanism exists at the present time. (Simon, 1979, pp. 144-145)

   2) Artificial Intelligence Models of Creative Association

   Among the questions that can now be given preliminary answers in computational terms are the following: how can ideas from very different sources be spontaneously thought of together? how can two ideas be merged to produce a new structure, which shows the influence of both ancestor ideas without being a mere "cut-and-paste" combination? how can the mind be "primed," so that one will more easily notice serendipitous ideas? why may someone notice-and remember-something fairly uninteresting, if it occurs in an interesting context? how can a brief phrase conjure up an entire melody from memory? and how can we accept two ideas as similar ("love" and "prove" as rhyming, for instance) in respect of a feature not identical in both? The features of connectionist AI models that suggest answers to these questions are their powers of pattern completion, graceful degradation, sensitization, multiple constraint satisfaction, and "best-fit" equilibration.... Here, the important point is that the unconscious, "insightful," associative aspects of creativity can be explained-in outline, at least-by AI methods. (Boden, 1996, p. 273)

   3) Creative Innovation and Social Independence

   There thus appears to be an underlying similarity in the process involved in creative innovation and social independence, with common traits and postures required for expression of both behaviors. The difference is one of product-literary, musical, artistic, theoretical products on the one hand, opinions on the other-rather than one of process. In both instances the individual must believe that his perceptions are meaningful and valid and be willing to rely upon his own interpretations. He must trust himself sufficiently that even when persons express opinions counter to his own he can proceed on the basis of his own perceptions and convictions. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 58)

   4) Ego Strength and Emotional Stability among Creative Geniuses

   he average level of ego strength and emotional stability is noticeably higher among creative geniuses than among the general population, though it is possibly lower than among men of comparable intelligence and education who go into administrative and similar positions. High anxiety and excitability appear common (e.g. Priestley, Darwin, Kepler) but full-blown neurosis is quite rare. (Cattell & Butcher, 1970, p. 315)

   5) Its Mundane Character

   he insight that is supposed to be required for such work as discovery turns out to be synonymous with the familiar process of recognition; and other terms commonly used in the discussion of creative work-such terms as "judgment," "creativity," or even "genius"-appear to be wholly dispensable or to be definable, as insight is, in terms of mundane and well-understood concepts. (Simon, 1989, p. 376)

   6) Mozart's Musical Ideas Came to Him in Polished Form

   From the sketch material still in existence, from the condition of the fragments, and from the autographs themselves we can draw definite conclusions about Mozart's creative process. To invent musical ideas he did not need any stimulation; they came to his mind "ready-made" and in polished form. In contrast to Beethoven, who made numerous attempts at shaping his musical ideas until he found the definitive formulation of a theme, Mozart's first inspiration has the stamp of finality. Any Mozart theme has completeness and unity; as a phenomenon it is a Gestalt. (Herzmann, 1964, p. 28)

   7) Scientific Theories and Works of Art Alike Originate in Fantasy

   Great artists enlarge the limits of one's perception. Looking at the world through the eyes of Rembrandt or Tolstoy makes one able to perceive aspects of truth about the world which one could not have achieved without their aid. Freud believed that science was adaptive because it facilitated mastery of the external world; but was it not the case that many scientific theories, like works of art, also originated in phantasy? Certainly, reading accounts of scientific discovery by men of the calibre of Einstein compelled me to conclude that phantasy was not merely escapist, but a way of reaching new insights concerning the nature of reality. Scientific hypotheses require proof; works of art do not. Both are concerned with creating order, with making sense out of the world and our experience of it. (Storr, 1993, p. xii)

   8) Self- Esteem and Creative Expression

   The importance of self-esteem for creative expression appears to be almost beyond disproof. Without a high regard for himself the individual who is working in the frontiers of his field cannot trust himself to discriminate between the trivial and the significant. Without trust in his own powers the person seeking improved solutions or alternative theories has no basis for distinguishing the significant and profound innovation from the one that is merely different.... An essential component of the creative process, whether it be analysis, synthesis, or the development of a new perspective or more comprehensive theory, is the conviction that one's judgment in interpreting the events is to be trusted. (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 59)

   9) Stages in Creative Problem- Solving

   In the daily stream of thought these four different stages [preparation; incubation; illumination or inspiration; and verification] constantly overlap each other as we explore different problems. An economist reading a Blue Book, a physiologist watching an experiment, or a business man going through his morning's letters, may at the same time be "incubating" on a problem which he proposed to himself a few days ago, be accumulating knowledge in "preparation" for a second problem, and be "verifying" his conclusions to a third problem. Even in exploring the same problem, the mind may be unconsciously incubating on one aspect of it, while it is consciously employed in preparing for or verifying another aspect. (Wallas, 1926, p. 81)

    10) The Bisociative Pattern of the Creative Synthesis

   he basic, bisociative pattern of the creative synthesis [is] the sudden interlocking of two previously unrelated skills, or matrices of thought. (Koestler, 1964, p. 121)

    11) The Earliest Stages in the Creative Process Involve a Commerce with Disorder

   Even to the creator himself, the earliest effort may seem to involve a commerce with disorder. For the creative order, which is an extension of life, is not an elaboration of the established, but a movement beyond the established, or at least a reorganization of it and often of elements not included in it. The first need is therefore to transcend the old order. Before any new order can be defined, the absolute power of the established, the hold upon us of what we know and are, must be broken. New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive that world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." (Ghiselin, 1985, p. 4)

    12) The Inner Life of the Creative Process

   New life comes always from outside our world, as we commonly conceive our world. This is the reason why, in order to invent, one must yield to the indeterminate within him, or, more precisely, to certain illdefined impulses which seem to be of the very texture of the ungoverned fullness which John Livingston Lowes calls "the surging chaos of the unexpressed." Chaos and disorder are perhaps the wrong terms for that indeterminate fullness and activity of the inner life. For it is organic, dynamic, full of tension and tendency. What is absent from it, except in the decisive act of creation, is determination, fixity, and commitment to one resolution or another of the whole complex of its tensions. (Ghiselin, 1952, p. 13)

    13) The Problem of What Impels the Creative Person

   [P]sychoanalysts have principally been concerned with the content of creative products, and with explaining content in terms of the artist's infantile past. They have paid less attention to examining why the artist chooses his particular activity to express, abreact or sublimate his emotions. In short, they have not made much distinction between art and neurosis; and, since the former is one of the blessings of mankind, whereas the latter is one of the curses, it seems a pity that they should not be better differentiated....

   Psychoanalysis, being fundamentally concerned with drive and motive, might have been expected to throw more light upon what impels the creative person that in fact it has. (Storr, 1993, pp. xvii, 3)

    14) Theories of Creative Thinking

   A number of theoretical approaches were considered. Associative theory, as developed by Mednick (1962), gained some empirical support from the apparent validity of the Remote Associates Test, which was constructed on the basis of the theory.... Koestler's (1964) bisociative theory allows more complexity to mental organization than Mednick's associative theory, and postulates "associative contexts" or "frames of reference." He proposed that normal, non-creative, thought proceeds within particular contexts or frames and that the creative act involves linking together previously unconnected frames.... Simonton (1988) has developed associative notions further and explored the mathematical consequences of chance permutation of ideas....

   Like Koestler, Gruber (1980; Gruber and Davis, 1988) has based his analysis on case studies. He has focused especially on Darwin's development of the theory of evolution. Using piagetian notions, such as assimilation and accommodation, Gruber shows how Darwin's system of ideas changed very slowly over a period of many years. "Moments of insight," in Gruber's analysis, were the culminations of slow long-term processes.... Finally, the information-processing approach, as represented by Simon (1966) and Langley et al. (1987), was considered.... [Simon] points out the importance of good problem representations, both to ensure search is in an appropriate problem space and to aid in developing heuristic evaluations of possible research directions.... The work of Langley et al. (1987) demonstrates how such search processes, realized in computer programs, can indeed discover many basic laws of science from tables of raw data.... Boden (1990a, 1994) has stressed the importance of restructuring the problem space in creative work to develop new genres and paradigms in the arts and sciences. (Gilhooly, 1996, pp. 243-244; emphasis in original)

   1) Programs and the Complexity of Human Mental Processes

   In my opinion, none of [these programs] does even remote justice to the complexity of human mental processes. Unlike men, "artificially intelligent" programs tend to be single minded, undistractable, and unemotional. (Neisser, 1967, p. 9)

   2) Artificial Intelligence Is an Engineering Discipline

   Future progress in [artificial intelligence] will depend on the development of both practical and theoretical knowledge.... As regards theoretical knowledge, some have sought a unified theory of artificial intelligence. My view is that artificial intelligence is (or soon will be) an engineering discipline since its primary goal is to build things. (Nilsson, 1971, pp. vii-viii)

   3) A Sceptical View of Artificial Intelligence

   Most workers in AI [artificial intelligence] research and in related fields confess to a pronounced feeling of disappointment in what has been achieved in the last 25 years. Workers entered the field around 1950, and even around 1960, with high hopes that are very far from being realized in 1972. In no part of the field have the discoveries made so far produced the major impact that was then promised.... In the meantime, claims and predictions regarding the potential results of AI research had been publicized which went even farther than the expectations of the majority of workers in the field, whose embarrassments have been added to by the lamentable failure of such inflated predictions....

   When able and respected scientists write in letters to the present author that AI, the major goal of computing science, represents "another step in the general process of evolution"; that possibilities in the 1980s include an all-purpose intelligence on a human-scale knowledge base; that awe-inspiring possibilities suggest themselves based on machine intelligence exceeding human intelligence by the year 2000 [one has the right to be skeptical]. (Lighthill, 1972, p. 17)

   4) Just as Astronomy Succeeded Astrology, the Discovery of Intellectual Processes in Machines Should Lead to a Science, Eventually

   Just as astronomy succeeded astrology, following Kepler's discovery of planetary regularities, the discoveries of these many principles in empirical explorations on intellectual processes in machines should lead to a science, eventually. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)

   5) Problems in Machine Intelligence Arise Because Things Obvious to Any Person Are Not Represented in the Program

   Many problems arise in experiments on machine intelligence because things obvious to any person are not represented in any program. One can pull with a string, but one cannot push with one.... Simple facts like these caused serious problems when Charniak attempted to extend Bobrow's "Student" program to more realistic applications, and they have not been faced up to until now. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 77)

   6) The Meaning of a Symbolic Description

   What do we mean by [a symbolic] "description"? We do not mean to suggest that our descriptions must be made of strings of ordinary language words (although they might be). The simplest kind of description is a structure in which some features of a situation are represented by single ("primitive") symbols, and relations between those features are represented by other symbols-or by other features of the way the description is put together. (Minsky & Papert, 1973, p. 11)

   7) The Principle of Artificial Intelligence

   [AI is] the use of computer programs and programming techniques to cast light on the principles of intelligence in general and human thought in particular. (Boden, 1977, p. 5)

   8) Artificial Intelligence Recognizes the Need for Knowledge in Its Systems

   The word you look for and hardly ever see in the early AI literature is the word knowledge. They didn't believe you have to know anything, you could always rework it all.... In fact 1967 is the turning point in my mind when there was enough feeling that the old ideas of general principles had to go.... I came up with an argument for what I called the primacy of expertise, and at the time I called the other guys the generalists. (Moses, quoted in McCorduck, 1979, pp. 228-229)

   9) Artificial Intelligence Is Psychology in a Particularly Pure and Abstract Form

   The basic idea of cognitive science is that intelligent beings are semantic engines-in other words, automatic formal systems with interpretations under which they consistently make sense. We can now see why this includes psychology and artificial intelligence on a more or less equal footing: people and intelligent computers (if and when there are any) turn out to be merely different manifestations of the same underlying phenomenon. Moreover, with universal hardware, any semantic engine can in principle be formally imitated by a computer if only the right program can be found. And that will guarantee semantic imitation as well, since (given the appropriate formal behavior) the semantics is "taking care of itself" anyway. Thus we also see why, from this perspective, artificial intelligence can be regarded as psychology in a particularly pure and abstract form. The same fundamental structures are under investigation, but in AI, all the relevant parameters are under direct experimental control (in the programming), without any messy physiology or ethics to get in the way. (Haugeland, 1981b, p. 31)

    10) There Are Many Types of Reasoning

   There are many different kinds of reasoning one might imagine:

    Formal reasoning involves the syntactic manipulation of data structures to deduce new ones following prespecified rules of inference. Mathematical logic is the archetypical formal representation. Procedural reasoning uses simulation to answer questions and solve problems. When we use a program to answer What is the sum of 3 and 4? it uses, or "runs," a procedural model of arithmetic. Reasoning by analogy seems to be a very natural mode of thought for humans but, so far, difficult to accomplish in AI programs. The idea is that when you ask the question Can robins fly? the system might reason that "robins are like sparrows, and I know that sparrows can fly, so robins probably can fly."

    Generalization and abstraction are also natural reasoning process for humans that are difficult to pin down well enough to implement in a program. If one knows that Robins have wings, that Sparrows have wings, and that Blue jays have wings, eventually one will believe that All birds have wings. This capability may be at the core of most human learning, but it has not yet become a useful technique in AI.... Meta- level reasoning is demonstrated by the way one answers the question What is Paul Newman's telephone number? You might reason that "if I knew Paul Newman's number, I would know that I knew it, because it is a notable fact." This involves using "knowledge about what you know," in particular, about the extent of your knowledge and about the importance of certain facts. Recent research in psychology and AI indicates that meta-level reasoning may play a central role in human cognitive processing. (Barr & Feigenbaum, 1981, pp. 146-147)

    11) Programs Are Beginning to Do Things That Critics Have Asserted to Be Impossible

   Suffice it to say that programs already exist that can do things-or, at the very least, appear to be beginning to do things-which ill-informed critics have asserted a priori to be impossible. Examples include: perceiving in a holistic as opposed to an atomistic way; using language creatively; translating sensibly from one language to another by way of a language-neutral semantic representation; planning acts in a broad and sketchy fashion, the details being decided only in execution; distinguishing between different species of emotional reaction according to the psychological context of the subject. (Boden, 1981, p. 33)

    12) The Synthesis of Man and Machine

   Can the synthesis of Man and Machine ever be stable, or will the purely organic component become such a hindrance that it has to be discarded? If this eventually happens-and I have... good reasons for thinking that it must-we have nothing to regret and certainly nothing to fear. (Clarke, 1984, p. 243)

    13) The Thesis of Good Old-Fashioned Artificial Intelligence (GOFAI)

   The thesis of GOFAI... is not that the processes underlying intelligence can be described symbolically... but that they are symbolic. (Haugeland, 1985, p. 113)

    14) Artificial Intelligence Provides a Useful Approach to Psychological and Psychiatric Theory Formation

   It is all very well formulating psychological and psychiatric theories verbally but, when using natural language (even technical jargon), it is difficult to recognise when a theory is complete; oversights are all too easily made, gaps too readily left. This is a point which is generally recognised to be true and it is for precisely this reason that the behavioural sciences attempt to follow the natural sciences in using "classical" mathematics as a more rigorous descriptive language. However, it is an unfortunate fact that, with a few notable exceptions, there has been a marked lack of success in this application. It is my belief that a different approach-a different mathematics-is needed, and that AI provides just this approach. (Hand, quoted in Hand, 1985, pp. 6-7)

    15) Four Kinds of Artificial Intelligence

   We might distinguish among four kinds of AI.

   ♦ Nonpsychological AI

   Research of this kind involves building and programming computers to perform tasks which, to paraphrase Marvin Minsky, would require intelligence if they were done by us. Researchers in nonpsychological AI make no claims whatsoever about the psychological realism of their programs or the devices they build, that is, about whether or not computers perform tasks as humans do.

   ♦ Weak Psychological AI

   Research here is guided by the view that the computer is a useful tool in the study of mind. In particular, we can write computer programs or build devices that simulate alleged psychological processes in humans and then test our predictions about how the alleged processes work. We can weave these programs and devices together with other programs and devices that simulate different alleged mental processes and thereby test the degree to which the AI system as a whole simulates human mentality. According to weak psychological AI, working with computer models is a way of refining and testing hypotheses about processes that are allegedly realized in human minds.

   ♦ Strong Psychological AI

... According to this view, our minds are computers and therefore can be duplicated by other computers. Sherry Turkle writes that the "real ambition is of mythic proportions, making a general purpose intelligence, a mind." (Turkle, 1984, p. 240) The authors of a major text announce that "the ultimate goal of AI research is to build a person or, more humbly, an animal." (Charniak & McDermott, 1985, p. 7)

   ♦ Suprapsychological AI

   Research in this field, like strong psychological AI, takes seriously the functionalist view that mentality can be realized in many different types of physical devices. Suprapsychological AI, however, accuses strong psychological AI of being chauvinisticof being only interested in human intelligence! Suprapsychological AI claims to be interested in all the conceivable ways intelligence can be realized. (Flanagan, 1991, pp. 241-242)

    16) Determination of Relevance of Rules in Particular Contexts

   Even if the [rules] were stored in a context-free form the computer still couldn't use them. To do that the computer requires rules enabling it to draw on just those [ rules] which are relevant in each particular context. Determination of relevance will have to be based on further facts and rules, but the question will again arise as to which facts and rules are relevant for making each particular determination. One could always invoke further facts and rules to answer this question, but of course these must be only the relevant ones. And so it goes. It seems that AI workers will never be able to get started here unless they can settle the problem of relevance beforehand by cataloguing types of context and listing just those facts which are relevant in each. (Dreyfus & Dreyfus, 1986, p. 80)

    17) Form and Content Are Not Fundamentally Different

   Perhaps the single most important idea to artificial intelligence is that there is no fundamental difference between form and content, that meaning can be captured in a set of symbols such as a semantic net. (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)

    18) The Assumption That the Mind Is a Formal System

   Artificial intelligence is based on the assumption that the mind can be described as some kind of formal system manipulating symbols that stand for things in the world. Thus it doesn't matter what the brain is made of, or what it uses for tokens in the great game of thinking. Using an equivalent set of tokens and rules, we can do thinking with a digital computer, just as we can play chess using cups, salt and pepper shakers, knives, forks, and spoons. Using the right software, one system (the mind) can be mapped into the other (the computer). (G. Johnson, 1986, p. 250)

    19) A Statement of the Primary and Secondary Purposes of Artificial Intelligence

   The primary goal of Artificial Intelligence is to make machines smarter.

   The secondary goals of Artificial Intelligence are to understand what intelligence is (the Nobel laureate purpose) and to make machines more useful (the entrepreneurial purpose). (Winston, 1987, p. 1)

    20) Mathematical Logic Provides the Basis for Theory in AI

   The theoretical ideas of older branches of engineering are captured in the language of mathematics. We contend that mathematical logic provides the basis for theory in AI. Although many computer scientists already count logic as fundamental to computer science in general, we put forward an even stronger form of the logic-is-important argument....

   AI deals mainly with the problem of representing and using declarative (as opposed to procedural) knowledge. Declarative knowledge is the kind that is expressed as sentences, and AI needs a language in which to state these sentences. Because the languages in which this knowledge usually is originally captured (natural languages such as English) are not suitable for computer representations, some other language with the appropriate properties must be used. It turns out, we think, that the appropriate properties include at least those that have been uppermost in the minds of logicians in their development of logical languages such as the predicate calculus. Thus, we think that any language for expressing knowledge in AI systems must be at least as expressive as the first-order predicate calculus. (Genesereth & Nilsson, 1987, p. viii)

    21) Perceptual Structures Can Be Represented as Lists of Elementary Propositions

   In artificial intelligence studies, perceptual structures are represented as assemblages of description lists, the elementary components of which are propositions asserting that certain relations hold among elements. (Chase & Simon, 1988, p. 490)

    22) Definitions of Artificial Intelligence

   Artificial intelligence (AI) is sometimes defined as the study of how to build and/or program computers to enable them to do the sorts of things that minds can do. Some of these things are commonly regarded as requiring intelligence: offering a medical diagnosis and/or prescription, giving legal or scientific advice, proving theorems in logic or mathematics. Others are not, because they can be done by all normal adults irrespective of educational background (and sometimes by non-human animals too), and typically involve no conscious control: seeing things in sunlight and shadows, finding a path through cluttered terrain, fitting pegs into holes, speaking one's own native tongue, and using one's common sense. Because it covers AI research dealing with both these classes of mental capacity, this definition is preferable to one describing AI as making computers do "things that would require intelligence if done by people." However, it presupposes that computers could do what minds can do, that they might really diagnose, advise, infer, and understand. One could avoid this problematic assumption (and also side-step questions about whether computers do things in the same way as we do) by defining AI instead as "the development of computers whose observable performance has features which in humans we would attribute to mental processes." This bland characterization would be acceptable to some AI workers, especially amongst those focusing on the production of technological tools for commercial purposes. But many others would favour a more controversial definition, seeing AI as the science of intelligence in general-or, more accurately, as the intellectual core of cognitive science. As such, its goal is to provide a systematic theory that can explain (and perhaps enable us to replicate) both the general categories of intentionality and the diverse psychological capacities grounded in them. (Boden, 1990b, pp. 1-2)

    23) The Computer Can Not Be a Model of the Mind

   Because the ability to store data somewhat corresponds to what we call memory in human beings, and because the ability to follow logical procedures somewhat corresponds to what we call reasoning in human beings, many members of the cult have concluded that what computers do somewhat corresponds to what we call thinking. It is no great difficulty to persuade the general public of that conclusion since computers process data very fast in small spaces well below the level of visibility; they do not look like other machines when they are at work. They seem to be running along as smoothly and silently as the brain does when it remembers and reasons and thinks. On the other hand, those who design and build computers know exactly how the machines are working down in the hidden depths of their semiconductors. Computers can be taken apart, scrutinized, and put back together. Their activities can be tracked, analyzed, measured, and thus clearly understood-which is far from possible with the brain. This gives rise to the tempting assumption on the part of the builders and designers that computers can tell us something about brains, indeed, that the computer can serve as a model of the mind, which then comes to be seen as some manner of information processing machine, and possibly not as good at the job as the machine. (Roszak, 1994, pp. xiv-xv)

    24) Computers Will Not Always Be Inferior to Human Brains

   The inner workings of the human mind are far more intricate than the most complicated systems of modern technology. Researchers in the field of artificial intelligence have been attempting to develop programs that will enable computers to display intelligent behavior. Although this field has been an active one for more than thirty-five years and has had many notable successes, AI researchers still do not know how to create a program that matches human intelligence. No existing program can recall facts, solve problems, reason, learn, and process language with human facility. This lack of success has occurred not because computers are inferior to human brains but rather because we do not yet know in sufficient detail how intelligence is organized in the brain. (Anderson, 1995, p. 2)

cum (archaic form COM, found in an inscr., COM PREIVATVD; in MSS. sometimes quom or quum), prep. with abl. [for skom, Sanscr. root sak, together; cf. sequor, and Gr. koinos, sun], designates in gen. accompaniment, community, connection of one object with another (opp. sine, separatim, etc.), with, together, together with, in connection or company with, along with; sometimes also to be translated and.

In gen., Plaut. Am. prol. 95:

qui cum Amphitruone abiit hinc in exercitum,

id. ib. prol. 125:

cum Pansā vixi in Pompeiano,

Cic. Att. 14, 20, 4:

semper ille antea cum uxore, tum sine eā,

id. Mil. 21, 55:

quibuscum essem libenter,

id. Fam. 5, 21, 1; cf.:

cum quibus in ceteris intellegis afuisse,

id. Sull. 3, 7:

si cenas hodie mecum,

Hor. Ep. 1, 7, 70:

vagamur egentes cum conjugibus et liberis,

Cic. Att. 8, 2, 3:

errare malo cum Platone, etc.,

id. Tusc. 1, 17, 39:

qui unum imperium unumque magistratum cum ipsis habeant,

Caes. B. G. 2, 3 et saep.—

In an expression of displeasure:

in' hinc, quo dignus, cum donis tuis Tam lepidis,

Ter. Eun. 4, 3, 9; cf. Plaut. Most. 2, 2, 33; Ter. And. 5, 4, 38; id. Eun. 1, 2, 73; id. Heaut. 4, 6, 7 al.—

In a designation of time with which some action concurs:

egone abs te abii hinc hodie cum diluculo?

Plaut. Am. 2, 2, 121; so,

cum primo luci,

id. Cist. 2, 1, 58:

cras cum filio cum primo luci ibo hinc,

Ter. Ad. 5, 3, 55; Cic. Off. 3, 31, 112; cf.:

cum primā luce,

id. Att. 4, 3, 4; and:

cum primo lumine solis,

Verg. A. 7, 130: cum primo mane, Auct. B. Afr. 62: cum mane, Lucil. ap. Diom. p. 372 P:

pariter cum ortu solis,

Sall. J. 106, 5:

pariter cum occasu solis,

id. ib. 68, 2; cf.:

cum sole reliquit,

Verg. A. 3, 568 et saep.:

mane cum luci simul,

Plaut. Merc. 2, 1, 31; v. simul: exiit cum nuntio (i. e. at the same time with, etc.), Caes. B. G. 5, 46; cf.: cum his nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit ( = hama toisde), Liv. 1, 32, 10:

simul cum dono designavit templo Jovis fines,

id. 1, 10, 5; cf.:

et vixisse cum re publicā pariter, et cum illā simul extinctus esse videatur,

Cic. de Or. 3, 3, 10.—

In designating the relations, circumstances, way, and manner with which any act is connected, by which it is accompanied, under or in which it takes place, etc., with, in, under, in the midst of, among, to, at: aliquid cum malo suo facere, Plaut. Bacch. 3, 4, 4; cf.:

cum magnā calamitate et prope pernicie civitatis,

Cic. Verr. 2, 1, 24, § 63:

cum summā rei publicae salute et cum tuā peste ac pernicie cumque eorum exitio, qui, etc.,

id. Cat. 1, 13, 33:

cum magno provinciae periculo,

Caes. B. G. 1, 10:

cum summo probro,

Ter. And. 5, 3, 10: cum summo terrore hominum, Planc. ap. Cic. Fam. 10, 24, 6:

cum summā tuā dignitate,

Cic. Fin. 4, 22, 61:

cum bonā alite,

Cat. 61, 19:

ferendum hoc onus est cum labore,

Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 21; cf. Cic. N. D. 2, 23, 59:

multis cum lacrimis aliquem obsecrare,

amid many tears, Caes. B. G. 1, 20; cf.:

hunc ipsum abstulit magno cum gemitu civitatis,

Cic. Verr. 2, 1, 19, § 49:

orare cum lacrimis coepere,

Liv. 5, 30, 5:

si minus cum curā aut cautelā locus loquendi lectus est,

Plaut. Mil. 3, 1, 6 Ritschl; so,

cum curā,

Cic. Inv. 1, 39, 70; Sall. J. 54, 1; Liv. 22, 42, 5 et saep.; cf.:

cum summo studio,

Sall. C. 51, 38:

cum quanto studio periculoque,

Liv. 8, 25, 12 al.:

cum multā venustate et omni sale,

Cic. Fin. 1, 3, 9:

summā cum celeritate ad exercitum rediit,

Hirt. B. G. 8, 52:

maximo cum clamore involant,

Plaut. Am. 1, 1, 89:

cum clamore,

Liv. 2, 23, 8; 5, 45, 2:

cum clamore ac tumultu,

id. 9, 31, 8; cf.:

Athenienses cum silentio auditi sunt,

id. 38, 10, 4; 7, 35, 1:

illud cum pace agemus,

Cic. Tusc. 5, 29, 83:

cum bonā pace,

Liv. 1, 24, 3; 21, 24, 5:

cum bonā gratiā,

Cic. Fat. 4, 7:

cum bonā veniā,

Liv. 29, 1, 7; cf.:

cum veniā,

Ov. Tr. 4, 1, 104; Quint. 10, 1, 72:

cum virtute vivere,

Cic. Fin. 3, 8, 29; cf. id. ib. 2, 11, 34:

cum judicio,

Quint. 10, 1, 8:

cum firmā memoriā,

id. 5, 10, 54:

legata cum fide ac sine calumniā persolvere,

Suet. Calig. 16:

spolia in aede... cum sollemni dedicatione dono fixit,

Liv. 4, 20, 3.—

Attributively, with subst.:

et huic proelium cum Tuscis ad Janiculum erat crimini,

Liv. 2, 52, 7 Weissenb. ad loc.:

frumenti cum summā caritate inopia erat,

id. 2, 12, 1; 2, 5, 2; 7, 29, 3.—

Cum eo quod, ut, or ne (in an amplification or limitation), with the circumstance or in the regard that, on or under the condition, with the exception, that, etc. (except once in Cic. epistt. not ante-Aug.).

Cum eo quod, with indic., Quint. 12, 10, 47 Spald.; 10, 7, 13; so,

cum eo quidem, quod, etc.,

id. 2, 4, 30. —With subj.:

sit sane, quoniam ita tu vis: sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod sine peccato meo fiat,

Cic. Att. 6, 1, 7.—

With ut:

Antium nova colonia missa cum eo, ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent,

Liv. 8, 14, 8; so id. 8, 14, 2; 30, 10, 21; 36, 5, 3; Cels. 3, 22.—So with tamen:

cum eo tamen, ut nullo tempore is... non sit sustinendus,

Cels. 3, 5 fin.; 4, 6 fin. —

With ne:

obsequar voluntati tuae cum eo, ne dubites, etc.,

Col. 5, 1, 4:

cum eo, ne amplius quam has urant,

Cels. 7, 22; and with tamen:

cum eo tamen, ne, etc.,

id. 2, 17.—

Cum dis volentibus, etc., with God's help, by the will of the gods, sun theôi:

cum divis volentibus quodque bene eveniat mando tibi, Mani, etc.,

Cato, R. R. 141, 1: volentibu' cum magnis dis, Enn. ap. Cic. Off. 1, 12, 38:

agite, cum dis bene juvantibus arma capite,

Liv. 21, 43, 7; so,

cum superis,

Claud. Cons. Stil. III. p. 174.—

Cum with an ordinal number (cum octavo, cum decimo, etc.) for our - fold, in economical lang., of the multiplication of cultivated products:

ut ex eodem semine aliubi cum decimo redeat, aliubi cum quinto decimo,

ten-, fifteenfold, Varr. R. R. 1, 44, 1; so,

cum octavo, cum decimo,

Cic. Verr. 2, 3, 47, § 112:

cum centesimo,

Plin. 18, 10, 21, § 95; cf. with a subst.:

cum centesimā fruge agricolis faenus reddente terrā,

id. 5, 4, 3, § 24.—

With a means or instrument, considered as attending or accompanying the actor in his action (so most freq. anteclass., or in the poets and scientific writers): acribus inter se cum armis confligere, Lucil. ap. Non. p. 261, 6: effundit voces proprio cum pectore, Enn. ap. Serv. ad Verg. G. 2, 424: cum voce maximā conclamat, Claud. Quadrig. ap. Gell. 9, 13, 10:

cum linguā lingere,

Cat. 98, 3:

cum suo gurgite accepit venientem (fluvius),

Verg. A. 9, 816:

cum vino et oleo ungere,

Veg. 1, 11, 8 et saep.:

terra in Augurum libris scripta cum R uno,

Varr. L. L. 5, § 21 Müll.

In partic.

Completing the meaning of verbs.

With verbs of union, connection, and agreement: cum veteribus copiis se conjungere, Caes. B. G. 1, 37:

ut proprie cohaereat cum narratione,

Auct. Her. 1, 7, 11:

(haec) arbitror mihi constare cum ceteris scriptoribus,

id. 1, 9, 16:

interfectam esse... convenit mihi cum adversariis,

id. 1, 10, 17; cf. Cic. Inv. 1, 22, 31:

quī autem poterat in gratiam redire cum Oppianico Cluentius?

id. Clu. 31, 86:

hanc sententiam cum virtute congruere semper,

id. Off. 3, 3, 13:

foedera quibus etiam cum hoste devincitur fides,

id. ib. 3, 31, 111:

capita nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege videbant,

Liv. 1, 52, 4:

cum aliquo in gratiam redire,

id. 3, 58, 4:

stabat cum eo senatūs majestas,

id. 8, 34, 1:

conjurasse cum Pausaniā,

Curt. 7, 1, 6:

Autronium secum facere,

Cic. Sull. 13, 36; cf. also conecto, colligo, consentio, compono, etc.—

Of companionship, association, sharing, etc.:

cum his me oblecto, qui res gestas aut orationes scripserunt suas,

Cic. de Or. 2, 14, 61:

quoniam vivitur, non cum perfectis hominibus, sed cum iis, etc.,

id. Off. 1, 15, 46:

nulla (societas) carior quam ea quae cum re publicā est unicuique nostrum,

id. ib. 1, 17, 51:

cum civibus vivere,

id. ib. 1, 34, 124:

cum M. Fabio mihi summus usus est,

id. Fam. 9, 25, 2; cf.:

cum quibus publice privatimque hospitia amicitiasque junxerant,

Liv. 1, 45, 2:

partiri cum Dinaeā matre jussit,

Cic. Clu. 7, 21:

cum Baebio communicare,

id. ib. 16, 47; cf.

of local association, nearness: cum mortuā jugulatum servum nudum positurum ait,

Liv. 1, 58, 4:

duos tamen pudor cum eo tenuit,

id. 2, 10, 5.—

Of intercourse, traffic, etc.:

cum aliquo agere,

to deal with, Cic. Ac. 2, 35, 112; Caes. B. G. 1, 13:

cum eo Accius injuriarum agit,

Auct. Her. 1, 14, 24:

si par est agere cum civibus,

Cic. Off. 2, 23, 83; 3, 22, 88; id. Scaur. 10, 20; cf. id. Fam. 5, 18, 1; Liv. 1, 19, 7; 3, 9, 13; 4, 15, 2; Val. Max. 4, 3, 8:

si mihi cum Peripateticis res esset,

Cic. Ac. 2, 35, 112:

tecum enim mihi res est,

id. Rosc. Am. 30, 84:

uni tibi et cum singulis res est,

Liv. 2, 12, 11:

pacem cum Sabinis facere,

Cic. Off. 3, 30, 109.—Esp.: agere cum aliquo, to have a lawsuit with, Gai Inst. 4, 87; 4, 114 et saep.; v. ago, II. B. 8. a., and II. B. 9.; consisto, I. B. 5.; cf. also pango, etc.—

Of deliberation and discussion:

haec ego cum ipsis philosophis disserebam,

Cic. de Or. 1, 13, 57:

tempus cum conjuratis consultando absumunt,

Liv. 2, 4, 3 et saep.; v. also cogito, reputo, dubito, etc.—

Of strife, difference, etc.:

quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt,

Caes. B. G. 1, 1:

cum Cleanthe quam multis rebus Chrysippus dissidet!

Cic. Ac. 2, 47, 143:

neque tam quererer cum deo quod, etc.,

id. ib. 2, 25, 81:

cum quo Antiochum saepe disputantem audiebam,

id. ib. 2, 4, 11:

cum stomacheretur cum Metello,

id. Or. 2, 66, 267:

manu cum hoste confligere,

id. Off. 1, 23, 81:

utilia cum honestis pugnare,

id. ib. 3, 7, 34: cum Catone dissentire. id. ib. 3, 22, 88:

cum majoribus nostris bella gessit,

id. Scaur. 19, 45; Liv. 1, 35, 7; 7, 22, 4:

cum Auruncis bellum inire,

id. 2, 16, 8; cf.:

cum Volscis aequo Marte discessum est,

id. 2, 40, 14:

inimicitias cum Africano gerere,

Val. Max. 4, 1, 8; Sen. Vit. Beat. 2, 3:

cum Scipione dissentire,

Val. Max. 4, 1, 12:

cum utrāque (uxore) divortium fecit,

Suet. Claud. 26; cf. also certo, pugno, discrepo, differo, distraho, dissentio, etc.—

Of comparison:

nec Arcesilae calumnia conferenda est cum Democriti verecundiā,

Cic. Ac. 2, 5, 14:

hanc rationem dicendi cum imperatoris laude comparare,

id. de Or. 1, 2, 8:

conferam Sullamne cum Junio,

id. Clu. 34, 94:

(orationem) cum magnitudine utilitatis comparare,

id. Off. 2, 6, 20.—

Pregn., implying the notion of being furnished, endowed, clothed with any thing, or of possessing, holding, suffering under, etc., in a lit. and trop. sense: ille vir haud magnā cum re sed plenus fidei, Enn. ap. Cic. Sen. 1, 1 (cf. the antith.:

hominem sine re, sine fide,

Cic. Cael. 32, 78):

a portu illuc nunc cum laternā advenit,

Plaut. Am. prol. 149:

cadus cum vino,

id. Stich. 5, 1, 7; cf. id. Pers. 2, 3, 15:

olla cum aquā,

Cato, R. R. 156:

arcula cum ornamentis,

Plaut. Most. 1, 3, 91:

fiscos cum pecuniā Siciliensi,

Cic. Verr. 1, 8, 22:

onerariae naves cum commeatu,

Liv. 30, 24, 5 et saep.:

cum servili schemā,

Plaut. Am. prol. 117;

so of clothing,

id. Rud. 1, 4, 31; Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 24, § 54; 2, 5, 13, § 31; [p. 490] id. Rab. Post. 10, 27; Liv. 35, 34, 7; Suet. Claud. 13; Sil. 1, 94 et saep.:

ut ne quis cum telo servus esset,

Cic. Verr. 2, 5, 3, § 7;

so of weapons,

id. Phil. 2, 8, 19; cf.:

inmissi cum falcibus, etc.,

id. Tusc. 5, 23, 65:

vidi argenteum Cupidinem cum lampade,

holding, id. Verr. 2, 2, 47, § 115:

simulacrum Cereris cum faucibus,

id. ib. 2, 4, 49, §

109: cum elephanti capite puer natus,

Liv. 27, 11, 5; cf.:

cum quinque pedibus natus,

id. 30, 2, 10; 33, 1, 11; 27, 4, 14 al.: omnia cum pulchris animis Romana juventus, Enn. ap. Don. ad Ter. Phorm. 3, 1, 1; cf.

Ter. ib.: Minucius cum vulnere gravi relatus in castra,

Liv. 9, 44, 14:

te Romam venisse cum febri,

Cic. Att. 6, 9, 1; so id. de Or. 3, 2, 6; id. Clu. 62, 175: cum eisdem suis vitiis nobilissimus, with all his faults, i. e. in spite of, id. ib. 40, 112:

ex eis qui cum imperio sint,

id. Fam. 1, 1, 3 Manut.; cf.:

cum imperio aut magistratu,

Suet. Tib. 12 Bremi; v. imperium.—

With idem (never of the identity of two subjects, but freq. of the relation of two subjects to the same object, etc.;

v. Krebs, Antibarb. p. 538): tibi mecum in eodem est pistrino vivendum,

Cic. de Or. 2, 33, 144:

quandoque tu... omnibus in eisdem flagitiis mecum versatus es,

id. Verr. 2, 3, 80, § 187:

Numidae... in eādem mecum Africā geniti,

Liv. 30, 12, 15; 28, 28, 14; Tac. A. 15, 2; Val. Max. 6, 5, 3.—

In the adverb. phrase, cum primis, with the foremost, i.e. especially, particularly (rare), Cic. Verr. 2, 2, 28, § 68; id. Brut. 62, 224.—Post-class. also as one word: cumprīmis, Gell. 1, 12, 7 al.

Cum in anastrophe. So always with the pers. pron.: mecum, tecum, secum, nobiscum, etc.; cf. Cic. Or. 45, 154; Prisc. pp. 949 and 988 P.; and in gen. with the rel. pron.:

quocum (quīcum), quacum, quibuscum, quīcum (for quocum),

Cic. Or. 45, 154; Liv. 38, 9, 2; Cic. Att. 5, 1, 4; id. Verr. 2, 2, 31, §§ 76 and 77; Caes. B. G. 1, 8; Cic. Rep. 1, 10, 15; id. Att. 4, 9, 2; id. Off. 1, 35, 126; Quint. 8, 6, 65; 10, 5, 7; 11, 2, 38. But where cum is emphatic, or a demonstrative pron. is understood, cum is placed before the rel.; cf.:

his de rebus velim cum Pompeio, cum Camillo, cum quibus vobis videbitur, consideretis,

Cic. Fam. 14, 14, 3:

adhibuit sibi quindecim principes cum quibus causas cognovit,

id. Off. 2, 23, 82; Liv. 1, 45, 2.—

Before et... et, connecting two substt.:

cum et diurno et nocturno metu,

Cic. Tusc. 5, 23, 66.

In compounds the primitive form com was alone in use, and was unchanged before b, p, m: comburo, compono, committo, and a few words beginning with vowels: comes, comitium, and comitor; m was assimilated before r: corripio; often before l: colligo or conligo; rarely before n, as connumero, but usually dropped: conecto, conitor, conubium; with the change of m into n before all the remaining consonants: concutio, condono, confero, congero, conqueror, consumo, contero, convinco; so, conjicio, etc., but more usually conicio; and with the rejection of m before vowels and before h: coarguo, coëo, coinquino, coopto, cohibeo.—

It designates,

A being or bringing together of several objects: coëo, colloquor, convivor, etc.: colligo, compono, condo, etc.—

The completeness, perfecting of any act, and thus gives intensity to the signif. of the simple word, as in commaculo, commendo, concito, etc., comminuo, concerpo, concido, convello, etc.

Cum (ante-class. quom; freq. in MSS. of Cicero; the post-class. form quum is incorrectly given in many MSS. and edd.), conj. [pronom. stem ka- or kva- with acc. case ending].

Of time, when, as, while, sometimes = after, since.

In adverbial clauses dependent on non-preterite predicates.

The time designated by cum being indefinite, when, if, whenever, always with indic., except in the instances A. 2.

Cum with pres. indic., often equivalent to si.

With principal predicate in pres.:

nam omnes id faciunt quom se amari intellegunt,

Plaut. Truc. prol. 17:

facile, quom valemus, recta consilia aegrotis damus,

Ter. And. 2, 1, 9; Plaut. Ep. 1, 2, 44; id. Poen. 4, 2, 20; id. Truc. 1, 1, 46; Ter. Phorm. 2, 1, 11:

cum semen maturum habet, tum tempestiva est,

Cato, R. R. 17; 41: quid? tum cum es iratus, permittis illi iracundiae dominationem animi tui? Cic. Rep. 1, 38, 59:

cum permagna praemia sunt, est causa peccandi,

id. Off. 3, 20, 79; id. de Or. 3, 23, 87:

quidam vivere tunc incipiunt cum desinendum est,

Sen. Ep. 23, 11.—

With principal predicate in fut. (rare):

ad cujus igitur fidem confugiet cum per ejus fidem laeditur cui se commiserit?

Cic. Rosc. Am. 40, 116; id. Leg. 3, 10, 24; id. Fl. 17, 40; Verg. A. 12, 208.—

With principal predicate in logical perf. (mostly poet.):

haud invito ad auris sermo mi accessit tuos, Quom te postputasse omnis res prae parente intellego,

Ter. Hec. 3, 5, 33:

qui cum levati morbo videntur, in eum de integro inciderunt,

Cic. Fam. 12, 30, 2:

(dolor) Cum furit... Profuit incensos aestus avertere ( = prodest),

Verg. G. 3, 457:

nemo non, cum alteri prodest, sibi profuit,

Sen. Ep. 81, 19; Cic. Att. 4, 18, 1; Liv. 8, 8, 11; Verg. A. 9, 435; id. G. 1, 288.—

With logical perf. indic.

With principal predicate in pres. (very freq.), the perf. translated either by English pres. perf. or by pres.: omnia sunt incerta cum a jure discessum est, when we ( once) disregard the law, Cic. Fam. 9, 16, 1:

gubernatores cum exultantes loligines viderunt... tempestatem significari putant,

id. Div. 2, 70, 145:

cum depulsi sunt agni a matribus, diligentia adhibenda est ne, etc.,

Varr. R. R. 2, 2, 17:

cum ejus generis copia defecit, ad innocentium supplicia descendunt,

Caes. B. G. 6, 16, 5:

(hostis) cum intravit... modum a captivis non accipit,

Sen. Ira, 1, 8, 2:

quia enim, cum prima cognovi, jungere extrema cupio,

Plin. Ep. 7, 10, 1; Cic. Or. 1, 33, 153; id. Div. 2, 26, 56; id. Brut. 24, 93; id. Cat. 4, 6, 12; id. Fam. 6, 3, 3; Auct. Her. 4, 50, 63; Caes. B. G. 4, 33; 5, 21; Liv. 22, 9, 8; 34, 31, 4; Val. Max. 8, 10 prooem.; 9, 6 init.; Sen. Ep. 3, 2; 21, 9; id. Cons. Helv. 13, 2; Curt. 3, 3, 18; Plin. 18, 7, 10, § 60; Quint. 4, 2, 122; 10, 7, 14.—In oblique clauses the perf. indic. may remain, or may be changed into perf. subj., even after preterites, Cic. Off. 1, 28, 26; 2, 20, 69.—

With principal predicate in fut. ( poet.), Ov. P. 1, 5, 47.—

With two logical perff. (rare):

cum id factum est, tamen grex dominum non mutavit,

Varr. R. R. 2, 2, 6:

quae cum se disposuit... summum bonum tetigit,

Sen. Vit. Beat. 8, 5; id. Tranq. 17, 11; id. Ben. 1, 1, 5. —

With fut.

With principal predicate in fut.:

ita fere officia reperientur, cum quaeretur, quid deceat, etc.,

Cic. Off. 1, 34, 125; Auct. Her. 2, 7, 10; 2, 12, 17.— So with principal predicate in fut. imper:

etiam tum cum verisimile erit aliquem commisisse... latratote,

Cic. Rosc. Am. 20, 57, id. Mur. 31, 65; id. Att. 3, 8, 4; Liv. 35, 19, 6.—

With principal predicate in pres.:

in talibus... stabilitas amicitiae confirmari potest, cum homines cupiditatibus imperabunt,

Cic. Lael. 22, 82; Val. Max. 4, 8 prooem.—

With fut. perf.

With principal predicate in pres.:

quam (spem), cum in otium venerimus, habere volumus,

Cic. Att. 1, 7:

nec irascimur illis cum sessorem recusaverint,

Sen. Const. 12, 3; id. Cons. Marc. 7, 2.—